COf FEDERATE STATES
^Upositorg of Useful' JEMfohhgeJB
COMPILED AND PUBLISHED BY H. C. CLARKE,
4®=- FOR SALE BY ALL BOOKSELLERS IN THE CONFEDERACY.-©*
,tp$tixx% 0f Useful Jbafolcfoge,
COMPILED AND PUBLISHED BY H. C CLARKE,
4®= FOE SALE BY ALL BOOKSELLERS IN THE CONFEDERACY. -=©8k
Entered; according to act of Congress, in the year 1861, by
H. C. CLARKE,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Confederate States for the District of
The first volume of the Confederate States Almanac is introduced
to the people of the South. The work is designed to be published
yearly. The leading object of the publication is to make it the
repository of the largest possible amount of useful information ;
embracing annual statistics from all States in the Confederacy,
showing our progress in population, manufactures, commerce, wealth,
and all the elements of prosperity. We intend to be able to make
the work from year to year a complete manual of reference and general
This first edition of the Almanac is not near so complete as the
publisher could wish From the short time in which the work was
compiled, and the impossibility (owing to the present state of the
country) of obtaining the exact information, much valuable matter
intended for this edition was left out. The contents of this volume
have been gathered from authentic sources, and compiled with great
History of the Formation of the Confederate States 17
Government of the Confederate States 22
Population, Resources, Dates of Secession, etc., of the Confederate States
and Territories 23
Population of the Confederate States, 1860 31
Population of the Southern States and Territories, not yet in the Con-
The Origin of Secession 32
Pay of Volunteer Officers and Privates 33
State Government of the Confederate States 34
Confederate States Army 35
Representation and Electoral Vote of the Confederate States 36
Constitution of the Confederate States 38
Message of President Davis 52
Cotton and its Supply 70
Cotton Crop 72
Supply and Consumption of Cotton in Europe and the United States 75
Sugar Crop of Louisiana for 1860 76
Extent of the Tobacco Interest 79
The Tobacco Trade of Virginia S3
Rates of Postage in the Confederate States 86
Diary of the Present Revolution 88
The Battle of Manassas 105
Appendix ••• 115
20 d. 1 h., mo.
Fort Pulaski taken, 1801.
Fort Morgan taken, 1861.
10 32 2d Sunday after Christmas.
11 33 [Epiphany.
morn.! <*•&, First Quarter, [taken.
3G|jviFFts. Johnson &Caswell
1 30 1 Mississippi seceded, 1861.
2 20 [Ft. Jackson, etc. .taken, '01. j 7
3 18i!Ala. and Fla. seceded, '61.1 7
5 0110 31
5 "111 30
5 8 morn.
<Y> 12 :
5 9 30
4 12i|lsJ /San. a/fer Epiphany.
5 4 Pensacola Navy Yard
.7 4 5 10
7 4 5 17
!7 415 18
4 55 1
7 7 I
9 ; tiv
11 15 =-
2d Sun. after Epiphany.
Georgia seceded, 1801.
J. C: Breckinridge b., 1821.
Conversion of St. Paul.
Louisiana seceded, 1861.
'"Iliiif [House taken, '61.
N. O. Mint and Custom-
H. M. s.
J) First Quar.
4 89 ev.
4 20 nv.
2 16 ev.
11 3 51
O Full Moon.
7 43 ev.
7 30 ev.
5 20 ev.
1 2 7 25
(£ Last Quar.
1 15 mo.
12 10 24
© New Moon.
10 33 ev.
10 6 ev.
9 53 ev.
7 43 ev.
12 12 8S
* 22d day.
Temn., JJortfi ;
tucky, Mas- j
18 d. 3 h., ev.
Texas seceded, 1861.
59 5 29
58; 5 30
9 11 j 'Purification of Vir. Mary. 116 56
10 lOJi ' [1861. ^6 55
11 8|;Rev. cutter Cass taken, j.O 54
morn. I ! I 6 54
5 : :^m First Quarter. ji6 53
1 : igp • G 52
1 55!! ' i,0 51
10|l« 55 '5 84 1 3 38|l
11 ,6 54 5 35; 4 23j!
12 6 53
5 36! 5 3l|
15; G 49
6 49 5 40
6 48 5 41
k; 47 5 42
J6 46 5 43
,6 45 5 44
', 6 46
5 41 8 ()\\Septuagesima.
5 42 1 9 7i! [Bell b., 1797.
5 43il0 16!|Davis inaug., 1861. John
19! 6 -45 5 44J11 27!]
45. morn. ,j
46 1 37:l/^r^Last Quarter.
47: 1 42,il.vLwasliingtonb.,1732.
21 i !'J
44 i 5
6 43! 5 46
=t 5 i
6 42 5 47
; 6 38
23||6 40]5 48! 2 40\\Sexa<?e.iima.
24 6 39lo 48! 3 31||». Matthias.
25llo 3715 49 4 17!'W Pinkney died, 1822.
26;J6 36l5 50 4 57l[
271:6 35 5 51 5 30! : /$fe| Marion died, 1795.
28'JG 33!5 52; sets.
m* 1 1
5 First Quar.
O Full Moon.
(£ Last Quar.
A New Moon.
6 2 50 ev.
14lll 40 mo.
21 1 9 10 mo.
28! 11 44 mo.
8 50 mo.
6 20 mo.
8 54 mo.
Sun on Meridian j
or Noon mark. \
H. M. 3.
12 13 53
12 14 29
12 14 17
12 13 18
Reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail
in exclusion of religious principles.— George Washington.
20 d. 3 h., ev.
Quinqiiagesima. S. Hous-
ton b., 1793,
D. Crockett died, 1836.
I First Quarter.
1st Sunday in Lent.
VtcDuffie died, 1851.
Fort Brown taken, 1861.
«~7Full Moon. Jackson
2d Sun. in Lent. Madison
Callioun born, 1782.
Jas. Jackson died, 1806.
Vji^ Last Quarter.
2 24 1
5 6 !
Zd Sunday in Lent,
innun. of Virgin Mary.
5 51 6
5 49 6
sets. |||Q|feiNewMoon. 4th Sun. in
7 54li l »i|gf Calhoun d.. '50. [Lent.
5 53 6 17
5 51 6 18
sets. Ity 11
7 48l 24
MOON S PHASES.
5 First Quar.
O Full Moon.
([_ Last Quar.
<H> New Moon.
11 16 ev.
4 34 ev.
5 41 ev.
10 49 ev..
4 7 mo.
2 14 mo.
9 21 mo.
8 26 mo.
1 44 ev.
11 51 ev.*
Sun on Meridian
or Noou mark.
12 12 35
12 10 44
12 8 32
12 6 7
|15 45! 6 22
43 |G 23
20 d. 3 h., mo.
Jefferson born, 1743.
I Georgia, Ala-
6j|5 4116 24
7], 5 30 25
8:J5 38 ! 6 26
Oil) 36 6 27
10! 5 35 5 28
lljlu 34 (i 28
12 !.5 32J6 29
20\[oth Sunday in Lent.
3 •<*?% First Quarter.
i 5 39
[Ft. Sumter, 1861. ,!5 37
3 54, III. Clay b., 1777. Bat. of ,5 35
25 1 6
24 ] 6
4 2Q '\Palm Sunday.
rises. '■-'jnjx Full Moon.
8 2Y '■-.'£) Ft. Bliss taken, 1861.
9 85 N.C.fts.&ars'ltaken,1861.
10 41 [j Virginia seceded, 1861.
11 88, '.Good Friday.
morn.||Baltimore massacre, 1861.
20N5 2216 36
27n.Rj.sto'. Har. Fy.& Norfolk
1 9j j/JJf^ Last Quar- [evac., '61.
145 s^, ter.
2 18 ;
3 lti\\St. Mark.
! 5 23
! 5 21
271 15 13
1st Sunday after Easter.
5 1816 37
5 17 6 38
5 16 6 38
5 15J6 39
Sim on Meridian
or Noon mark.
It. M. 5i
3 First Quar.
6 41 ev.
6 14 mo.
3 51 mo.
12 3 57
O Full Moon.
10 3 mo.
9 36 mo.
9 23 mo.
7 13 mo.
([_ Last Quar.
11 59 32
(fij) New Moon.
5 40 ev.
5 27 ev.
3 17 ev.
11 57 52
* 20th day.
BSaa au s usua oaffiff
r- *^ ?T ' — -fair.
21 d. 3 h., mo.
Sts. Philip and James.
5 6' 1
2d Sunday after Easter.
[and Ark. sec, 1861.
yFirst Quarter. Tenn.
Bloe'de of Va. begun, '61.
St. Louis massacre, 1861.
3d Sun. afterEaster. Block-
ade of Chariest'n, 1861.
! 5 5
4th Sunday after Easter.
f£h [seceded, 18-61.
Uct^Last Quarter. N. C.
Alexandria occupied by
5th Sunday after Easter.
N". 0. & Mobile blockaded,
(111). New Moon.
Battle at Fairfax C. H.,Va.,
5 First Quar.
O Full Moon.
(£ Last Quar.
# New Moon.
9 36 ev.
5 12 ev.
9 53 mo.
10 46 mo.
7 13 ev.
2 49 ev.
7 30 mo.
8 23 mo.
Sun on Meridian
or Noon mark.
H. M. S.
11 56 57
11 56 13
11 56 7
11 56 36
21 d. 12 h.
SLM [ MOON
SRTS. | SETS.
H. M. ! i' M. H. M.
4 45;7 lvj
Battle of Aquia Creek be-, '4 54
4 457 10
[gun, 1861. ,|4 54
4 44!7 11
Jeff. Davisb., 1808. Bat. at 1
4 44 ! 7 12
[Phillippa, W Va., '61.1
4 44)7 12
"*ij. First Q. Bat. atPig's!
4 44|7 13
vj§i Pat. Henry [Ft., '61,!
[d., 1799. 1
Whit-Sunday, Jackson d..
Bat, of Great Bethel, '61.
Gov. Jackson, of Mo., issues
[his proclamation, '01
Trinity Sun. Polk d., '61
Battle at Vienna, 1861.
/fj* Last Quarter.
l^R. H. Leed., 1861.
H. S. Legare d., 1843.
1st Sunday after Trinity.
Nativity of St. John Baptist,
If Madison d., 1836.
4 47 7
4 47 7
8 50m. Peter.
1852. 4 56 7 10
4 56 7 10
3 First Quar.
O Full Moon.
(£ Last Quar.
gift New Moon.
9 22 mo.
9 47 ev.
1 34 mo.
8 55 mo.
9 20 ev.
1 7 mo.
8 42 mo.
6 32 mo.
6 57 ev.
10 44 ev.f
* llth day.
1 26th day.
f KTS, SETS.
S [J N EN T K It 8
22 d. 11 h., ev.
[ence. Jefferson d.,
nfk First Q. Independ-
3rf Sun. after Trinity. 3
[Marshall d., 1835.
Z. Taylor died, 1850.
4th Sunday after Trinity.
/Jq^ Last Quarter. Battle
UJ^ [at Bull Bun, 1861.
5th Sunday after Trinity.
Battle of Manassas, '01.
?# New Moon.
5 9 7
n ii i
6th Sunday after Trinity.
J First Quar.
O Full Moon.
(£ Last Quar.
# New Moon.
5 29 ev.
8 19 mo.
11 57 mo.
3 53 ev.
Sun on Meridian
or Noon mark.
H. M. S.
4 49 ev.
2 39 ev.
12 3 26
7 39 mo.
5 29 mo.
12 4 49
11 17 mo.
9 7 mo.
12 5 47
3 13 ev.
12 6 11
23 d. 5 1)., mo.
I First Quarter.
31 '5 9
1th Sunday after Trinity.
4 '5 10
6l ! 5 12
7!. 5 12
\~>' Full Moon.
AVI- 1 1
vw -*■ A
10' io 15
8th Sun. after Trinity. Bat.
[of Oak Hill, Mo., 1861.
:5 21] 6 49
!5 22 6 48
,5 22 1 6 47
io 23:6 46
|5 24:6 45
!5 24 6 44
|5 25 ! 6 43
21 ';5 24
22 ,5 25
:-J?pLast Quar. 9th S^ln.
A;i_, [after Trinity.
4 43] ||£2fe,/S7. Bartholomew.
•IP 1 New Moon.
J. "Laurens died, 1782.
S |31l!5 32 6 29;10 lh\\\\th Sunday after Trinity. ||5 35 ,6 25[10 2 31 26
Sun 011 Meridian
01' Noon mark.
H. M. s
3 First Quar.
11 33 ev.
10 53 ev.
8 43 ev.
12 6 2
O Full Moon.
4 83 ev.
3 58 ev.
1 43 ev.
(£ Last Quar.
4 27 mo.
3 47 mo.
1 37 mo.
12 3 53
(ft New Moon.
4 17 mo.
3 50 mo.
3 87 mo.
1 27 mo.
Tenn., North |
SUN E N TEES
23 d. 2 h., mo.
Georgia, Al a-
Tift, First Quarter.
Bat. at Ft. Scott, Mo., '01.
[Columbus by Confed.,'61.
Paducah seized by Feds.
H. M. ' H. M. [ ,, O
11 22 / 10
12th Sunday after Trinity.
j5 41 6 12
F. Grundy born, 1777.
|5 42. 11
Md. legislators arrested.
5 43|0 10
\o 43 ! 6 8
16 5 44
171 15 45
18 15 46
13th Sunday after Trinity,
/fj^ Last Quarter.
5 44 1 6 7
10 52 10
5 45:6 4
5 46 : 6 3
93 9 !
5 47 6 2
43 [ 21 !
5 47 6
i 41 a 3
5 48 '5 59
21 ;5 48
St. Mattheio. Lexington,
3 43, 29
22 5 49
[Mo., captured, 1861.
4 40 m? 12
23 5 50
■ifi!!). New Moon.
sets. ! 20
24; 5 51
6 14 i i'<!ii?f J. Marshall b., 1755.
5 54j 6 18 =2= 9
25; |5 51
6 50! j
6 56 24
26; [5 52
7 39 th, 8
8 21| Moultrie d., 1805.
8 29 22
9 18 :
55 5 45
15th Sunday after Trinity.
^JM^St. Michael and All-
sjp First Quar. [Anaels.
15 53:0 48' 9 271/
!5 54,5 47|10 29| 21
]5 55 ;o 46; 11 36 VJ 5
J) First Quai-.
4 44 mo.
4 17 mo.
4 4 mo.
1 54 mo.
O Full Moon.
2 48 mo.
2 21 mo.
2 8 mo.
(£ Last Quar.
11 3 ev.
10 36 ev.
10 23 ev.
8 13 ev.
fU New Moon.
3 29 ev.
2 49 ev.
J) First Quar.
10 46 mo.
10 19 mo.
10 6 mo.
7 56 mo.
>uti on Meridian
or Noon mark.
1 11 5953
9 11 57 16
17 11 54 29
25 11 51 41
; 7th day.
wrqy ;*■«■ ■ f, i b, ^. n wim^f p .iJ i
3 ! ;5 58
4 '5 59
23 d. 10 h., mo.
Battle at Greenbrier, Va.,
l>am a, Florida,
ll; : 6
3 58: >16th Sunday after Trinity. :i5 58 ! 5 39
!o 59 jo 38
rises. 'f'JSy Full Moon
Jasper & Pulaski d., 1779. 6
Chas. Lewis d., 1774. J6
58j Meriwether Lewis d. 1809. JJG
17 th Sunday after Trinity.
/S^ Last Quarter.
18. JO 11
St. Luke the Evangelist.
3 35 1
22: !6 15
18th Sunday after Trinity.
[town, &Rock Castle, '61
H0 New Moon.
Dixon H. Lewis d., 1848.
19th Sunday after Trinity.
Sts. Simon and Jude.
[States and Mo., '61.
Alliance bet. Confederate
Sun on Meridian
or Noon mark.
O Full Moon.
3 29 ev.
3 2 ev.
2 49 ev.
11 49 41
(£ Last Quar.
6 20 ev.
5 53 ev.
5 40 ev.
3 30 ev.
11 47 20
® New Moon.
2 15 mo.
1 48 mo.
1 35 mo.
11 45 27
5 First Quar.
6 34 ev.
6 7 ev.
5 54 ev.
3 44 ev.
11 44 11
' 22d day.
SUN SUN MOON
RISES. SETS. SETS.
7 h., mo.
5; 6 28
7 :o 30
20th Sun. after Trinity. Mo.
OgyBat. Belmont.,'61. Pt.
[Royal cap. by Fed. ,'61.
6 20 1
6 24 i
6 2-1 !
21st Sunday after Trinity.
Robert Y. Hayne b., 1791.
(^ [d , 1832.
\^t^ Last Quar. C. Carroll
Bridges burned in E. Tenn.
29 1 5
[6 32 '4
22d Sunday after Trinity.
['61. Ky. Con. sec, '61.
Fed. raid into E. shore, Va.,
iffe. New Moon. [1861.
W Fight at Pensacola,
6 35 4 56
23rf Sunday after Trinity.
Z. Taylor born, 1784.
n First Quarter.
10 38 zx 9 |
11 43| 23
morn.;}£ 7 ;
S 1 301)6 53 4 44] 1 42\\St. Andrew. Advent. )|6 45 4 53| 1 40|7> 3
Sun on Meridian
or Noon mark.
3 First Quar.
O Full Moon.
(£ Last Quar.
7 34 mo.
4 39 mo.
7 7 mo.
4 12 mo.
4 44 mo.
9 54 mo.
10 4 mo.
1 49 mo.
11 43 42
11 43 58
11 45 7
11 47 9
21 d. 8 h., ev.
6 50 4 52
«y3 I -j
8 ! ;7
1st Sunday in Advent.
H. Laurens d., 1792.
5 4 45
/Jcf* Last Quar. Wasliing-
VOL, [ton d., 1799.
,,ai! ) ,F.Grundyd.,'40. ['60.
Ill' New Moon. S.C.sec,
21: 7 9
22, ,7 9
25 7 11
26j|7 11 14 50
St. Thomas. 3d Sunday in
3S(. Stephen. [Ev.
First Quar. St. John
28] J 12
O Full Moon.
(£ Last Quar.
f} New Moon.
J) First Quar.
1 50 mo.
4 47 mo.
11 17 ev.
5 57 ev.
* 5th day.
11 27 ev.*
2 24 mo.
S 54 ev.
S 34 ev.
S«B cm Meridian'
or Noon mark.
H. M. s.
11 49 12
11 52 32
11 56 20
Jformafa of \\t $m\\mx (bmithmq.
The independence of the Southern Confederate States,
commenced by the withdrawal of the State of South Caro-
lina from the old Federal Union of the United States. The
ordinance of secession was passed on December 20th, 1860,
by a unanimous vote. The withdrawal of South Carolina
from the old Union was followed successively by the States
of Florida, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana.
A convention of delegates from the six seceding States
assembled in Congress at Montgomery, Alabama, to organize
a Provisional Government, on the 4th day of February,
1861. The Hon. R. M. Barnwell, of South Carolina, was
appointed temporary chairman.
A. R. Lamar, Esq., of Georgia, was then appointed tem-
porary Secretary, and the deputies from the several States
represented, presented their credentials in alphabetical order,
and signed their names to the roll of the Convention.
The following is the list :
R. W. Walker,
R. H. Smith,
J. L. M. Curry,
W. P. Chilton,
S. F. Hale Colon,
John Gill Shorter,
David P. Lewis,
F. S. Bartow,
M. J. Crawford,
B. A. Nisbet,
B. H. Hill,
A. R. Wright,
Thomas R. R. Cobb,
A. H. Kenan,
A. H. Stephens.
W. P. Harris,
N. S. Wilson,
A. M. Clayton,
W. S. Barry,
J. T. Harrison.
R. B. Rhett,
R. W. Barnwell,
18 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
FLORIDA. LOUISIANA. SOUTH CAROLINA.
James B. Owens, John Perkins, Jr., L. M. Keitt,
J. Patten Anderson, A. Declonet, James Chesnut, Jr.,
Jackson Morton, (not Charles M. Conrad, C. G. Memminger.
present.) D. F. Kenner, W. Porcher Miles,
Georgia. G. E. Sparrow, Thomas J. Withers,
Bobert Toombs, Henry Marshall. W. W. Boyce.
The Constitution of the Confederate States was adopted
on Friday, February the 8th. On Saturday, February the
9th, Congress proceeded to the election of a President and
Vice-President. The Hon. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi,
President, and the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia,
Vice-President, were elected by a unanimous vote. On
February the 18th, President Davis was inaugurated Presi-
dent of the Confederate States, and delivered the following
Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Friends
and Fellow-citizens :
Called to the difficult and responsible station of Chief Executive
of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach
the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of
my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those
who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs,
and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people.
Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent gov-
ernment to take the place of this, and which by its greater moral
and physical power will be better able to combat with the many
difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate na-
tions, I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been
chosen, with the hope that the beginning of our career as a confed-
eracy may not be obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment
of the separate existence and independence which we have asserted,
and which, with the blessing of Providence, we intend to maintain.
Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the
history of nations, illustrates the American idea that governments
rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the
people to alter and abolish governments whenever they become de-
structive to the ends for which they were established. The declared
compact of the Union from which we have withdrawn, was to estab-
lish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common de-
fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity ; and when, in the judgment
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 19
of the sovereign States now composing this confederacy, it has been
perverted from the purposes for which it was ordained, and ceased to
answer the ends for which it was established, a peaceful appeal to
the ballot-box declared that, so far as they were concerned, the gov-
ernment created by that compact should cease to exist. In this, they
merely asserted the right which the Declaration of Independence of
1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion of its ex-
ercise, they as sovereigns were the final judges, each for itself. The
impartial, enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the recti-
tude of our conduct ; and He who knows the hearts of men will
judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve the govern-
ment of our fathers in its spirit.
The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and
which has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills of rights of the
States subsequently admitted into the Union of 1789, undeniably
recognizes in the people the power to resume the authority delegated
for the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States here
represented, proceeded to form this confederacy ; and it is by the
abuse of language that their act has been denominated revolution.
They formed a new alliance, but within each State its government
has remained. The rights of person and property have not been
disturbed. The agent through whom they communicated with for-
eign nations is changed, but this does not necessarily interrupt their
international relations. Sustained by the consciousness that the
transition from the former Union to the present confederacy, has not
proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just obligations or
any failure to perform every constitutional duty, moved by no inte-
rest or passion to invade the rights of others, anxious to cultivate
peace and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to avoid
war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of having
needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of wrong
on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there
can be no cause to doubt the courage and patriotism of the people
of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measures of de-
fence which soon their security may require.
An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a
commodity required in every manufacturing country, our true policy
is peace, and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It
is alike our interest and that of all those to whom we would sell and
from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable
restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but
little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating
community, such as the north-eastern States of the American Union.
It must follow, therefore, that mutual interest would invite good-
will and kind offices. If, however, passion or lust of dgminion
should cloud the judgment or inflame the ambition of those States,
we must prepare to meet the emergency, and maintain by the final
arbitrament of the sword the position which we have assumed
among the nations of the earth.
20 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
We have entered upon a career of independence, and it must be
inflexibly pursued through many years of controversy with our late
associates of the Northern States. We have vainly endeavored to
secure tranquillity and obtain respect for the rights to which we were
entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the
remedy of separation, and henceforth our energies must be directed
to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity of the confed-
eracy which we have formed. If a just perceptien of mutual inte-
rest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career,
my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But if this be denied
us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it
will but remain for us with firm resolve to appeal to arms, and invoke
the blessing of Providence on a just cause.
As a consequence of our new condition, and with a view to meet
anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide a speedy and effi-
cient organization of the branches of the Executive department
having special charge of foreign intercourse, finance, military af-
fairs, and postal service. For purposes of defence, the Confederate
States may, under ordinary circumstances, rely mainly upon their
militia ; but it is deemed advisable in the present condition of affairs,
that there should be a well instructed, disciplined army, more nu-
merous than would usually be required on a peace establishment. I
also suggest that, for the protection of our harbors and commerce on.
the high seas, a navy adapted to those objects will be required.
These necessities have, doubtless, engaged the attention of Congress.
With a Constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so
far as it is explanatory of their well known intent, freed from sec-
tional conflicts, which have interfered with the pursuit of the gen-
eral welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that the States from
which we have recently parted may seek to unite their fortunes to
ours, under the government which we have instituted. For this
your Constitution makes adequate provision, but beyond this, if I
mistake not, the judgment and will of the people are, that union
with the States from which they have separated is neither practicable
nor desirable. To increase the power, develop the resources, and
promote the happiness of the Confederacy, it is requisite there
should be so much homogeneity that the welfare of every portion
would be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antago-
nisms are engendered, which must and should result in separation.
Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our own rights, and to pro-
mote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has
been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no do-
mestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check,
the cultivation of our fields progresses as heretofore, and even
should we be involved in war, there would be no considerable dimin-
ution in the production of the staples which have constituted our
exports, in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less
than our own. This common interest of producer and consumer, can
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 21
only be intercepted by an exterior force which should obstruct its
transmission to foreign markets, a course of conduct which would
be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad.
Should reason guide the action of the government from which we
have separated, a policy so detrimental to the civilized world, the
Northern States included, could not be dictated by even a stronger
desire to inflict injury upon us ; but if it be otherwise, a terrible re-
sponsibility will rest upon it, and the suffering of millions will bear
testimony to the folly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the
meantime, there will remain to us, besides the ordinary remedies be-
fore suggested, the well known resources for retaliation upon the
commerce of an enemy.
Experience in public stations of a subordinate grade to this which
your kindness has conferred, has taught me that care and toil and
disappointments are the price of official elevation. You will see
many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate ; but you shall
not find in me either want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to
me the highest in hope and of most enduring affection. Your gen-
erosity has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinction, one which
I neither sought nor desired. Upon the continuance of that senti-
ment, and upon your wisdom and patriotism, I rely to direct and
support me in the performance of the duties required at my hands.
We have changed the constituent parts, but not the system, of our
government. The Constitution formed by our fathers is that of
these Confederate States. In their exposition of it, and in the judi-
cial construction it has received, we have a light which reveals its
true meaning. Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of that
instrument, and ever remembering that all offices are but trusts held
for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed,
I will hope by due diligence in the performance of my diities, though
I may disappoint your expectation, yet to retain, when retiring,
something of the good will and confidence which will welcome my
entrance into office.
It is joyous, in the midst of perilous times, to look around upon a
people united in heart, when one purpose of high resolve animates
and actuates the whole, where the sacrifices to be made are not
weighed in the balance, against honor, right, liberty, and equality.
Obstacles may retard, but they cannot long prevent the progress of
a movement sanctioned by its justice and sustained by a virtuous
people. Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide
and protect us in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which by
his blessing they were able to vindicate, establish, and transmit to
their posterity ; and with a continuance of His favor, ever gratefully
acknowledged, we may hopefully look forward to success, to peace,
On February 1st, 1861, the State of Texas declared her
independence, by withdrawing from the Union, and uniting
22 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
her destinies with the new Confederacy. Virginia, Ten-
nessee, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Missouri, also resumed
their original sovereignty, and were admitted into the Con-
The Provisional Government of the Confederate States is
now drawing to a close. On the 22d day of February, 1862,
the Southern Confederate States of America will throw off
the last vestige of its provisional character, and will stand
before the world in all the aspects and with all the attributes
of a distinct and sovereign Confederacy ; in outward form, a
nation — within, a league of independent and coequal sove-
reignties. Before that day, our right to admittance among
the recognized nationalities will have been conceded by the
principal European powers.
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA.
The Presidential term of one year of the Provisional Gov-
ernment, under the Constitution, began on the 18th day of
February, 1861, and will expire on the 22d day of February,
1862. The first election, under the Confederate Constitu-
tion, for President and Vice President for the first regular
Presidential term of six years, was held on the 6th day of
November, 1861, in each State throughout the Confederacy.
GOVERNMENT OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES.
JEFFERSON DAVIS, of Miss., President.
ALEX. H. STEPHENS, of Ga., Vice-President.
Col. JOSEPH DAVIS, of Miss., Aid to the President.
Capt. R. JOSSELYN, of Miss., Private Secretary of the President.
R. M. T. HUNTER, Va., Secretary of State. Wm. M. Browne, Assistant
Secretary of State. P. P. Dandrige, Chief Clerk.
C. G. MEMMINGER, S. C, Secretary of the Treasury. P. Clayton, Ga., As-
sistant Secretary of the Treasury. H. D. Capers, Chief Clerk of the Depart-
ment. Lewis Cruger, S. C, Comptroller and Solicitor. Boiling Baker, Ga., 1st
Auditor. W. H. S. Taylor, La., 2d Auditor. Robert Tyler, Va., Register. E.
C. Elmore, Ala., Treasurer.
AND REPOSITORY CP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 23
J. P. BENJAMIN, La., Secretary of War. A. T. Bledsoe, Va., f'liief Cleric
of the Department. S. Cooper, Va., Adjutant and Inspector General of tins C.
S. Army. Lieut. Col. B. Chilton and Capt. J. Withers, s. C, Assistants Adjutant
and Inspector General. Col. R. Taylor, Ky., < Quartermaster General. Col. A.
C. Myers, S. C, Assistant Quartermaster General. Lieut. Col. Northrop, S. C.,
Commissary General. Col. J. Gorgas, Va., Chief of Ordnance. Col. S. P.
Moore, (M.D.,) S. C, Surgeon General. Capt. C. H. Smith, (.M.D.,) Va., Assistant
Surgeon General. Capt. Leg. G. Capers, (M.D.,) H. C, Chief Clerk of the Med-
ical Department. Maj. D. Hubbard, Ala., Commissioner of Indian Affairs.
S. R. MALLORY, Pla., Secretary of the Navy. Com. E. M. Tidball, Va.,
Chief Clerk of the Department. Com. D. N. Ingraham, S. C. Chief of Ord-
nance, Construction, and Repair. Capt. George Minor, Va., Inspector of Ord-
nance. Com. L. Rosseau, La., Chief of Equipment, Recruiting Orders, and
Detail. Capt. W. A. Spotswood, (M.D.,) Va., Chief of Medicine and Surgery.
Capt. John Debree, Chief of Clothing and Provisions.
Ex-Gov. BRAGG, N. C, Attorney General. Wade Keys, Ala., Assistant At-
torney General. R. R. Rhodes, Miss., Commissioner of Patents. G. E. W.
Nelson, Ga., Superintendent of Public Printing. R. M. Smith, Va., Public
JOHN H. REAGAN, Texas, Postmaster General. H. S. Offut, Va., Chief
Contract Bureau. B. N. Clements, Tenn., Chief Appointment Bureau. J. L.
Harrell, Ala., Chief Finance Bureau. W. D. Miller, Texas, Chief Clerk of De-
POPULATION, RESOURCES, DATES OP SECES-
SION, ETC., OF THE SOUTHERN STATES AND
South Carolina. — Area, 29,385 Square Miles.
The State was first settled by colonies of French, Oerman,
and Irish, in 1670 ; adopted the Federal Constitution, 1780.
Population in 1850, 668,507, including 384,984 slaves.
Value of exports in 1850, $16,924,250 ; imports, §2,071,139.
Population in 1860, 715,371, including 407,185 slaves.
Passed ordinance of secession from the Federal Union,
December 20th, 1860.
Florida. — Area, 59,268 Square Miles.
This State was settled by Spain in 1516 ; was ceded to
Great Britain, by Spain, in 1763 ; retaken by the Spanish
in 1781, and ceded, by Spain, to the United States in 1819 ;
was admitted into the Union in 1845. The Seminole Indian
War commenced in 1818, and ended in 1842. Value of ex-
24 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
ports for 1858, $1,877,960 ; imports, $105,998. Population
in 1850, 87,445, including 39,310 slaves; population in
1860, 145,694, including 63,809 slaves.
Passed ordinance of secession, dissolving connection with
the Federal Union, Jannary 8th, 1861.
Mississippi. — Area, 47,156 Square Miles.
Was first settled by the French, at Natchez, in 1716.
This State, together with part of Georgia, Alabama, and
Florida, formed the " Mississippi Territory," in 1816 ; ad-
mitted into the Union as a State in 1817. Population in
1850, 606,326, including 309,878 slaves; population in 1860,
887,158, including 479,647 slaves. Mississippi is now the
largest cotton-growing State in the South. The crop of
1850 amounted to 485,293 bales; the crop of 1860 was es-
timated at 670,000 bales, valued at $27,000,000.
Ordinance of secession passed January 9th, 1861.
Alabama. — Area, 50,722 Square Miles.
This State was included in the Mississippi Territory in
1817 ; admitted into the Federal Union as a State in 1820.
The chief agricultural product of Alabama is cotton. Ex-
tensive canebrakes once existed, but they have been greatly
cleared away. Sugar-cane grows on the south-west neck,
between Mobile and the Mississippi. Many of the rich
alluvial tracts yield rice abundantly. Tobacco, also, is pro-
duced. Indian corn, oats, sweet potatoes, buckwheat, barley,
flax, and silk, are much cultivated, besides many other grains,
fruits, and vegetables, and large supplies of live stock of all
Mineral Products. — Alabama is rich in great deposits of
coal, iron, variegated marbles, limestone, and other mineral
treasures. Gold mines, too, have been found and worked.
Salt, sulphur, and chalybeate springs abound.
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 25
Value of imports in 1850, $619,964 ; exports, $24,790,-
585. Population in 1850, 771,625, including 343,844
slaves; population in 1860, 935,917, including 435,473
Passed ordinance of secession from the Union, January
GEORGIA. — Area, 58,000 Square Miles.
This State was settled by Gen. Oglethorpe in 1733; was
made a royal colony in 1752; adopted the Federal Constitution
in 1798. Population in 1850, 906,185, including 381,622
slaves; population in 1860, 1,082,797, including 467,461
slaves. Imports for 1850,1473,716; exports, §9, 543,519.
The Comptroller-General of the State of Georgia for the last
fiscal year, stated that the Western and Atlantic railroad,
owned exclusively by the State, paid into the State treasury,
of net earnings, in 1859, 8420,000 ; in 1860, §150,000 ;
and in 1861, $438,000. Independent of the above valuable
property, Georgia owns in bank stock and bonds, the amount
The income of the State, from its several sources of rev-
enue, including the cash balance in the treasury on the 21st
of October, 1861, $324,106, is $2,279,857 The disburse-
ments in the same time amount to $1,955,731.
The State withdrew from the Federal Union, January
Louisiana. — Area, 41,436 Square Miles.
This State was settled by the French in 1699 ; was ceded
to Spain in 1762 ; was purchased by the Federal Union in
1803 ; admitted into the Federal Union as a State in 1S12.
Population in 1850, 517,762, including 241,809 slaves.
Value of exports in 1850, $88,367,962 ; imports, $22,900,-
821. Population in 1860, 666,431, including 312,186 slaves
26 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
The wealth of Louisiana has rapidly augmented, and an
immense area of fertile land is annually taken into cultiva-
tion, reclaimed from the swamps and the prairies. New Or-
leans, meanwhile, has advanced with prodigious strides, and
will now, without a doubt, fulfil the destiny which seemed in
the past to belong to New York. We confidently expect and
predict this. Cotton and sugar-cane are the great products
of this State.
Passed ordinance of secession from the Federal Union,
January 26th, 1861.
Texas.— Area, 237,504 Square Miles— Acres, 152,002,560.
Was first settled by the Spaniards, in 1690 ; was made
part of the Mexican Republic in 1826 ; war with Mexico for
independence commenced in 1833, and ended in 1836 ; as
an independent State, was admitted into the Federal Union
in 1845. Her geological survey has developed the exist-
ence of iron ore, coal, lead, copper, lignite, gypsum, lime-
stone, marble, potters', pipe, and fire clay, etc. The iron
and coal promise to be of great future value.
The revenue of the State, by a recent statement, as de-
rived from the ad valorem, and poll tax, was $309,726. The
total school fund reached $3,426,168. Assessment statistics :
44,233,658 acres land, valued at $83,392,720
42,3G2 town lots, " 14,137 207
136,853 negroes, " 85,'63o'748
284,714 horses, " 14 329 103
2,617,122 cattle, « lG^^
A comparison will at once show the increase in the value
of each species of property, the aggregate increase of the
■whole being over thirty millions of dollars, namely : the in-
crease in negroes, $12,774,820 ; increase inland, 69,477,542-
increase in cattle, $2,739,421 ; increase in horses, $2,617,502 •
increase in town lots, $1,388,894 5 increase in .money loaned
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 27
$513,047 : increase in miscellaneous property, §1,208,812.
Total increase of all taxable property, from 1858 to 1859,
$30,721,438. We should here remark that only one hun-
dred and eleven counties are returned, and that the nine
counties not returned would probably add several hundred
thousand to this total amount of increase.
Total taxable property for 1856, $161,304,025; for 1857,
$183,504,205; for 1858, $193,636,818; for 1859,
Total ad valorem and State tax for 1856, $265,382; for
1857, $301,126 54; for 1858, $269,755 95; for 1859,
Increase in taxable property from 1856 to 1857,
$22,200,180; from 1857 to 1858, $10,132,613; from 1858
to 1859, $30,716,448.
Average value of land per acre in 1856, $1 41 ; in 1857,
$1 47; in 1858, $1 65; in 1859, $1 88.
The total area of Texas is estimated at one hundred and
seventy-five millions acres of land, of which one hundred
millions are public domain, held by the State.
Population 212,592, including 58,161 slaves. Value of
exports in 1858, $2,428,475; imports, $120,095. Popula-
tion in 1860, 600,955, including 180,956 slaves.
Passed act of secession from the Federal Union February
Virginia. — Area, 61,352 Square Miles.
First settled in 1607. Adopted the Constitution of the
United States in 1776. Population in 1850 was 1,141,661,
including 472,528 slaves. Value of exports in 1858 was
$7,262,765; imports, $1,079,067. Population in 1860,
1,593,190, including 495,826 slaves.
Tobacco is the principal product of the State.
28 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Passed an act of separation from the Federal Union April
Tennessee. — Area, 45,600 Square Miles.
First settlement was made in 1757 The territory was ceded
to the United States in 1790. Admitted into the Union as
a State in 1796. Population in 1850 was 1,002,717, in-
cluding 239,459 slaves ; population in 1860, 1,146,640, in-
cluding 287,112 slaves.
Passed ordinance of separation from the Federal Union
May 2d, 1861.
Arkansas. — Area, 52,198 Square Miles.
This State was part of the Louisiana purchase. Was
made into a separate Territory in 1819 ; joined the Federal
Union in 1836. Value of annual products for 1858,
$994,722. Population in 1850, 209,897, including 47,100
slaves. Population in I860, 440,775, including 109,065
The progress of this State has been astounding in the
past few years, and she possesses so many resources, that
her position ere long will be among the first States of the
Productions. — The rich, black alluvion of the river yields
Indian corn in great luxuriance. This product, with cotton,
tobacco, rice, many varieties of grain, wool, hops, hemp, flax,
and silk, are the staples.
The forest trees include great quantities of the cotton
wood, gum, ash, and cypress, in the bottom lands, and the
usual vegetation of the North in the uplands. The sugar
maple, yielding large supplies of sap, is found here.
Minerals. — Coal, iron, zinc, lead, gypsum, manganese,
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 29
salt, and other mineral products exist here. Gold, too, it is
said, has been found. "There is," says a writer, "manga-
nese enough in Arkansas to supply the world ; in zinc, it
exceeds every State except New Jersey, and has more gyp-
sum than all the other States put together; while it is
equally well supplied with marble and salt."
Dissolved connection with the Federal Union May
North Carolina. — Area, 50,704 Square Miles.
Was first settled by emigrants from Virginia, in 1660. The
country was divided into two Territories, in 1720, (North
and South Carolina.) North Carolina adopted the Federal
Constitution in 1790. Population in 1850, 869,039, includ-
ing 228,548 slaves. Value of exports in 1858, $16,955,057;
imports, 12,071,519. Population in 1860, 1,008,342, in-
cluding 328,377 slaves.
North Carolina possesses one million and a half acres of
swamp lands, which are at present uncultivated, and are
owned by the State. Professor Emmons, State geologist, in
his report now before us, does not hesitate to say that he
regards these lands as two-fold more valuable than the up-
land, and well adapted to the growth of cotton. Here is a
great future source of wealth.
Dissolved connection with the Federal Union May
Missouri. — Area, 67,380 Square Miles.
Settled by the French, in 1764. Territorial Government
was formed in 1804. Admitted into the Union as a State in
1821. Population in 1850, 682,044, including 87,422
slaves. Population in 1860, 1,310,209, including 115,619
30 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Passed an act of separation from the Federal Union Oc-
tober 28th, 1861.
Kentucky. — Area, 37,680 Square Miles.
First white settlement was made in 1775. Made into a
Territory in 1782. Admitted into the Union in 1796.
Population in 1850 was 982,405, including 210,981 slaves.
Population in 1860, 1,145,567, including 224,490 slaves.
Maryland. — Area, 11,121 Square Miles.
First settlement was made by Catholics, in 1634. Adopted
the Federal Constitution in 1776. Population in 1850 was
583,034, including 90,368 slaves. Value of exports in
1855 was $10,395,984 ; imports, $7,788,949. Population in
1860, 731,565, including 85,826 slaves.
Delaware. — Area, 2,120 Square Miles.
The smallest of the Southern States, was first settled in
1630, by the Swedes and Fins. Adopted the United States
Constitution in 1787 Population in 1850, 71,169 white, and
2,290 slaves. Population in 1860, 112,363, including 1,805
New Mexico. — Area, 200 ,000 ^Square Miles.
"Was ceded, by treaty with Mexico, to the United States
in 1848. Population in 1850 was 61,547 ; population in
Arizona. — Area, 100,000 Square Miles.
The Territory of Arizona is bounded west by the Rio
Colorado"; south by Sonora and Chihuahua, on the boundary
line between the United States and Mexico, and from the
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE.
Rio Grande, on the 32d parallel of latitude in Texas, to the
104° of longitude ; east by a line on the 104° of longitude
to the 34th parallel of latitude, thence north on the 34th
parallel to the Colorado River. It has an area of about
100,000 square miles. The population is from 8,000 to
10,000. Nine-tenths are Mexicans, and they are chiefly in
the valley [of the Rio Grande. There is an abundance of
mineral wealth, but very little agricultural land.
Population of the Confederate States, according to the
census of 1860.
Population of the Southern States and Territories, not yet
in the Confederacy .
THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Population of the Territories.
Territories. Population in"l.S50. Population in 1860.
New Mexico 61,547 93,024
Population of some of the Principal Cities in the South-
THE ORIGIN OF SECESSION.
At the late Pilgrim Landing Anniversary, held in the
Astor House, New York, Mr. Seward declared in his speech,
that the men of New England invented the greatest political
discovery in the world — the confederation of Republican
States ; and that the people of South Carolina invented the
doctrine of secession. Mr. Seward, in his eager efforts to
attach blame to South Carolina, falls into a great error con-
cerning the origin of secession. The first disunion speech
ever made in the United States House of Representatives
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 33
was by Josiah Quincy, of Massachusetts, in regard to the
Louisiana Enabling Act, January 14, 1811. He said :
I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion, that if this
bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved ; that the
States -which compose it are free from their moral obligations, and
that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to
prepare definitely for a separation — amicably, if they can; violently,
if they must.
A Southern member of the Senate, Mr.. Poindexter, of
Mississippi, considered this declaration of " the right of all,
as it was the duty of some, to prepare for separation — peace-
ably, if they could ; forcibly, if they must," as very nearly
akin to treason, and called the New England inventor to order.
The inventor of disunion repeated his assertion, committed
it to writing, and left the matter to the Speaker, who deci-
ded it out of order. Mr. Quincy appealed from the deci-
sion of the Speaker, and was sustained by a vote of 56 to 63
in his right, as the Eepresentativc of New England, to in-
vent disunion. — See Abridgment of Debates of Congress,
vol. iv., p. 237
PAY OE VOLUNTEER OFFICERS AND PRIVATES.
Pay, per month, of officers and privates, accepted into the
Confederate States Army :
Colonel $175 00
Lieutenant-Colonel 170 00
Major 150 00
Captain 108 00
First Lieutenant 90 00
Second Lieutenant $80 00
First Sergeants 21 00
Other Sergeants 17 00
Corporals and Artificers IS 00
Privates 11 00
They have a yearly allowance for clothing, also, and one
ration per day.
The volunteers are expected to furnish their own uniforms,
and will be paid for the same in money by the Confederate
States Government, when mustered into service. Each regi-
ment has a Quartermaster, with the rank of Captain, and a
Commissary, with equal rank, a Surgeon and Assistant
THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
1st Monday Aug.
1st Thursday Sept.
1st Monday Oct.
1st Monday Nov.
1st Monday Oct.
1st Thursday Aug.
2nd Monday Oct.
1st Thursday Aug.
1st Monday Aug.
4th Thursday May.
1st Monday Oct.
1st Monday Aug.
2nd Monday Nov.
1st Monday Nov.
1st Monday Nov.
3rd Monday Jan.
1st Monday Nov.
3rd Monday Nov.
4th Monday Nov.
1st Monday Oct.
1st Monday Nov.
1st Monday Dec.
4th Monday Nov.
J. H. Shorter.
Hen. M. Rector.
Jos. E. Brown.
Thos. 0. Moore.
John J. Pettus.
Henry T. Clark, f
F. W. Pickens.
Isham Gr. Harris.
F. R. Lubbock.
Claib. F. Jackson
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 35
CONFEDERATE STATES ARMY, AS NOW ORGAN-
IZED. NOVEMBER, 1861.
The army in Virginia has been reorganized by the War
Department. The army of the Potomac is under the su-
preme command of Gen. J E. Johnston. It embraces
three grand divisions : the largest and most important, at
Manassas, being commanded by Gen. P T. G. Beauregard,
and those at Aquia Creek and Shenandoah Valley, by Briga-
diers General T. H. Holmes, of North Carolina, and Thomas
J. Jackson, of Stone Wall Bridge, respectively. General
Beauregard's command is subdivided into four divisions,
commanded respectively by General Gustavus W Smith,
Major General Edmund Kirby Smith, Earl Van Dorn, and
James Longstreet. Under these officers are the numerous
brigades composing the army, each composed as nearly as
possible of regiments belonging to the same State, and com-
manded by their own Brigadiers General. The Department
of the Northwest remains under command of Gen. Lee ;
that of the Yorktown Peninsula, under Major General Ma-
gruder; that of Norfolk, under Major General Huger; that
of Eastern Virginia, South of the James river, under Briga-
dier General Pemberton ; and that of Richmond, under
Brigadier General Winder. The coast defenses of North
Carolina are under command of Brigadier General Gatlin,
assisted by Brigadiers General J. R. Anderson and D. II.
Hill. Those of South Carolina are in charge of Brigadier
General Ripley; those of Georgia, of Brigadier General
Lawton; those of Alabama, of Brigadier General Withers;
those of Louisiana, of Major General Lovell; and those of
Texas, of Brigadier General Hebert. Until his death, Brig-
adier General Grayson commanded in East Florida. The
supreme command in Kentucky, is vested in General A. S.
Johnston ; and in Tennessee, in Major General Polk.
THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
The following is a statement of the monthly pay of officers
and privates in the service of the Confederate States :
First Lieutenants ,
Corporals and Artificers,
The monthly pay of Generals of Divisions, or Brigades, is
$301. Privates and non-commissioned officers receive one
ration a day, and a yearly allowance for clothing. Commis-
sioned officers are not allowed to draw rations.
EEPRESENTATION AND ELECTORAL VOTE OF
THE CONFEDERATE STATES, IN THE FIRST
The first Congress of the Confederate States, under the
permanent Constitution, will be composed of twenty-two
Senators and eighty-seven Representatives.
The representation will be as follows, being in the ratio of
one member for every 90,000 of population, on the Federal
basis, counting three-fifths for slaves.
We add, in a separate column, the Electoral vote of each
State in the Confederacy :
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 37
Virginia 16 18
North Carolina 10 12
South Carolina 6 8
Georgia 10 12
Florida 2 4
Alabama 9 11
Louisiana , 6 8
Texas 6 8
Arkansas 4 6
Mississippi 7 9
Tennessee 11 13
38 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA.
WE,_the people of the Confederate States, each State acting in its
sovereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent
federal government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity-
invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God — do ordain and
establish this Constitution for the Confederate States of America.
All legislative powers herein delegated shall be vested in a Con-
gress of the Confederate States, which shall consist of a Senate and
House of Representatives.
1. The House of Eepresentatives shall be composed of members
chosen every second year, by the people of the several States ; and
the electors in each State shall be citizens of the Confederate States,
and have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most nume-
rous branch of the State Legislature ; but no person of foreign birth,
not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed to vote for
any officer, civil or political, State or Federal.
2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained
the age of twenty-five years, and be a citizen of the Confederate
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that
State in which he shall be chosen.
3. Representatives and Direct Taxes shall be apportioned among
the several States, which may be included within this Confederacy,
according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined, by
adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound
to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
three-fifths of all slaves. The actual enumeration shall be made
within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the
Confederate States, and within every subsequent term of ten years,
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 39
in such manner as they shall, by law, direct. The number of Re-
presentatives shall not exceed one for every fifty thousand, but each
State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such enume-
ration shall be made, the State of South Carolina shall be entitled
to choose six — the State of Georgia, ten — the State of Alabama,
nine — The State of Florida, two — the State of Mississippi, seven —
the State of Louisiana, six — and the State of Texas, six.
4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State,
the Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill
5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and
other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment ; ex-
cept that any judicial or other federal officers resident and acting
solely within the limits of any State, may be impeached by a vote of
two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature thereof.
1. The Senate of the Confederate States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, chosen for six years by the Legislature
thereof, at the regular session next immediately preceding the com-
mencement of the term of service ; and each Senator shall have one
2. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of
the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into
three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be
vacated at the expiration of the second year; of the second class,
at the expiration of the fourth year ; and of the third class, at the
expiration of the sixth year ; so that one-third maybe chosen every
second year; and if vacancies happen, by resignation, or otherwise,
during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive
thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of
the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.
3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the
age of thirty years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States ; and
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the State for which
he shall be chosen.
4. The Vice-President of the Confederate States shall be President
of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they shall be equally di-
5. The Senate shall choose their other officers; and also a Presi-
dent pro tempore in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he
shall exercise the office of President of the Confederate States.
6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments.
AVhen sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation.
When the President of the Confederate States is tried, the Chief Jus-
tice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted without the con-
currence of two-thirds of the members present.
7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further
40 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy
any office of honor or profit, under the Confederate States ; but the
party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indict-
ment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law.
1. The time, place, and manner of holding elections for Senators
and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legis-
lature thereof, subject to the provisions of this Constitution; but the
Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations,
except as to the times and places of choosing Senators.
2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year ; and
such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they
shall, by law, appoint a different day.
1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall con-
stitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn
from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of
absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each
House may provide.
2. Bach House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish
its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of
two-thirds of the whole number, expel a member.
3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from
time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their
judgment, require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members
of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of
those present, be entered on the journal.
4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without
the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to
any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation
for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the
treasury of the Confederate States. They shall, in all cases, except
treason, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during
their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in
going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate
in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.
2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which
he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority
of the Confederate States, which shall have been created, or the
emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time ;
and no person holding any office under the Confederate States shall
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 41
be a member of either House during his continuance in office. But
Congress may, by law, grant, to the principal officer in each of the
Executive Departments a seat upon the floor of either House, with
the privilege of discussing any measures appertaining to his depart-
1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Re-
presentatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amend-
ments, as on other bills.
2. Every bill which shall have passed both Houses, shall, before it
becomes a law, be presented to the President of the Confederate
States ; if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return
it, with his objections, to the House in which it shall have origina-
ted, who shall enter the objections at large on their journals, and
proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds
of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together
with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be
reconsidered ; and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall
become a law. But in all such cases, the votes of both Houses shall
be determined by yeas and nays, and the persons voting for or against
the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively.
If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days
(Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the
same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the
Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return ; in which case
it shall not be a law. The President may approve any appropriation
and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill. In such
case he shall, in signing the bill, designate the appropriations disap-
proved ; and shall return a copy of such appropriations, with his ob-
jections, to the House in which the bill shall have originated, and the
same proceedings shall then be had as in case of other bills disap-
proved by the President.
3. Every order, resolution, ' or vote, to which the concurrence of
both Houses may be necessary (except on a question of adjourn-
ment) shall be presented to the President of the Confederate States ;
and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him ; or,
being disapproved by him, may be repassed by two-thirds of both
Houses, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in case of
The Congress shall have power —
1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, for reve-
nue necessary to pay the debts, provide for the common defence, and
carry on the Government of the Confederate States ; hut no bounties
shall be granted from the treasury ; nor shall any duties or taxes on
importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any
branch of industry ; and all duties, imposts, and excises shall be
uniform throughout the Confederate States :
42 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
2. To borrow money on the credit of the Confederate States :
3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the sev-
eral States, and with the Indian tribes ; but neither this, nor any other
clause contained in the Constitution, shall ever be construed to del-
egate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal
improvement intended to facilitate commerce, except for the purpose
of furnishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to naviga-
tion upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbors, and the re-
moving of obstructions in river navigation, in all which cases, such
duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated thereby, as may be
necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof:
4. To establish uniform laws of naturalization, and uniform laws
on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the Confederate States ;
but no law of Congress shall discharge any debt contracted before
the passage of the same :
5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin,
and fix the standard of weights and measures :
6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities
and current coin of the Confederate States :
7. To establish post offices and post routes ; but the expenses of
the Postoffice Department, after the first day of March, in the year
of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-three, shall be paid out of
its own revenues :
8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing
for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their
respective writings and discoveries :
9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court :
10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the
high seas, and offences against the law of nations :
11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and
make rules concerning captures on land and water :
12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money
to that use shall be for a longer term than two years :
13. To provide and maintain a navy :
14. To make rules for government and the regulation of the land
and naval forces :
15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of
the Confederate States, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions :
16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the mili-
tia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the
service of the Confederate States ; reserving to the States, respect-
ively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training
the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress :
17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over
such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of
one or more States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the
seat of the Government of the Confederate States ; and to exercise
like authority over all the places purchased by the consent of the
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 43
legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection
of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful build-
ings ; and
18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for car-
rying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers
vested by this Constitution in the Government of the Confederate
States, or in any department or officer thereof.
1. The importation of negroes of the African race, from any for-
eign country, other than the slaveholding States or Territories of the
United States of America, is hereby forbidden ; and Congress is re-
quired to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same :
2. Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of
slaves from any State not a member of, or Territory not belonging
to, this Confederacy.
3. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus-
pended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public
safety may require it.
4. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, or law denying or im-
pairing the right of property in negro slaves, shall be passed.
5. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in pro-
portion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be
6. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State,
except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses.
7. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or
revenue to the ports of one State over those of another.
8. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in conse-
quence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement
and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money
shall be published from time to time.
9. Congress shall appropriate no money from the Treasury, ex-
cept by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yea* and nays,
unless it be asked and estimated for by some one of the heads of the
Department, and submitted to Congress by the President ; or for
the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies ; or for
the payment of claims against the Confederate States, the justice of
which shall have been judicially declared by a tribunal^ for the in-
vestigation of claims against the Government, which it is hereby
made the duty of Congress to establish.
10. All bills appropriating money shall specify in Federal cur-
rency the exact amount of each appropriation, and the purposes for
which it is made ; and Congress shall grant no extra compensation
to any public contractor, officer, agent, or servant, after such con-
tract shall have been made or such service rendered.
11. No title of nobility shall be granted by the Confederate States;
and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall,
44 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu-
ments, office, or titles of any kind whatever, from any king, prince,
or foreign State.
12. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the
freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peacea-
bly to assemble and petition the Government for a redress of
13. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a
free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not
14. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house
without the consent of the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a
manner to be prescribed by law.
15. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall
not be violated ; and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the
place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
16. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise
infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand
jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the
militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor
shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in
jeopardy of life or limb ; nor be compelled, in any criminal case, to
be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be
taken for public use, without just compensation.
17. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right
to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and
district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district
shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of
the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the
witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining
witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his
18. In suits at common law where the value in controversy shall
exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ;
and no fact so tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any
court of the Confederacy, than according to the rules of the common
19. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines be im-
posed, nor cruel and unjust punishments be inflicted.
20. Every law, or resolution having the force of law, shall relate
to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in the title.
1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation;
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 45
grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; make anything
but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill
of attainder, or ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of
contracts ; or grant any title of nobility.
2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any
imposts, or duties on imposts or exports, except what may be abso-
lutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net pro-
duce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or
exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the Confederate
States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control
3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty
of tonnage, except on sea-going vessels, for the improvement of its
rivers and harbors navigated by the said vessels ; but such duties
shall not conflict with any treaties of the Confederate States with
foreign nations ; and any surplus or revenue, thus derived, shall,
after making such improvements, be paid into the common treasury;
nor shall any State keep troops or ships of war in time of peace,
enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a
foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such
imminent danger as will not admit of delay. But when any river
divides or flows through two or more States, they may enter into
compacts with each other to improve the navigation thereof.
1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the Con-
federate States of America. He and the Vice-President shall hold
their offices for the term of six years ; but the President shall not be
re-eligible. The President and Vice-President shall be elected as
2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature
thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number
of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled
in the Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding
an office of trust or profit under the Confederate States, shall be ap-
pointed an elector.
3. The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by
ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall
not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall
name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in dis-
tinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall
make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all
persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for
each, which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to
the government of the Confederate States, directed to the President
of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of
46 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates,
and the vote shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest
number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number
be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no
person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest
numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as Pres-
ident, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by
ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the vote shall
be taken by States, the representation from each State having one
vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem-
bers from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representa-
tives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall
devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following,
then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in case of the
death or other Constitutional disability of the President.
4. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-Presi-
dent shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of
the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a
majority, then, from the two highest numbers on the list of the Sen-
ate shall choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall
consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a major-
ity of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice.
5. No person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President,
shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the Confederate
6. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors,
and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall
be the same throughout the Confederate States.
7. No person except a natural born citizen of the Confederate
States, or a citizen thereof, at the time of the adoption of the Con-
stitution, or a citizen thereof born in the United States prior to the
20th of December, 1860, shall be eligible to the office of President;
neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have
attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resi-
dent within the limits of the Confederate States, as they may exist
at the time of his election.
8. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his
death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of
the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President ; and
the Congress may, by law, provide for the case of removal, death,
resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President,
declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer
shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a President
shall be elected.
9. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a
compensation which shall neither be increased nor diminished during
the period for which he shall have been elected ; and he shall not
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 47
receive within that period any other emolument from the Confede-
rate States, or any of them.
10. Before he enters on the execution of his office, he shall tako
the following oath or affirmation :
"I do solemnly swear — or affirm — that I will faithfully execute
the office of President of the Confederate States, and will, to the best
of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution thereof."
1. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the army and
navy of the Confederate States, and of the militia of the several
States, when called into the actual service of the Confederate States ;
he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in
each of the Executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the
duties of their respective offices : and he shall have power to grant
reprieves and pardons for offences against the Confederate States,
except in cases of impeachment.
2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators
present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public
ministers and consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other
officers of the Confederate States, whose appointments are not herein
otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law ; but
the Congress may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior offi-
cers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of
Law, or in the heads of Departments.
3. The principal in each of the Executive Departments, and all
persons connected with the diplomatic service, may be removed from
office at the pleasure of the President. All other civil officers of the
Executive Department, may be removed at any time by the Presi-
dent, or other appointing power, when their services are unneces-
sary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect
of duty ; and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the
Senate, together with the reasons therefor.
4. The President shall have power to fill all vacancies that may
happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions-
which shall expire at the end of their next session ; but no person
rejected by the Senate shall be re-appointed to the same office during
their ensuing recess.
1. The President shall, from time to time, give to the Congress
information of the state of the Confederacy, and recommend to their
consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expe-
dient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Ilouses.or
either of them; and in case of disagreement between them, with
respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such
48 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and
other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully
executed, and shall commission all the officers of the Confederate
1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the Con-
federate States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for,
and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misde-
1. The judicial power of the Confederate States shall be vested in
one Superior Court, and in such Inferior Courts as the Congress may
from time to time order and establish. The judges, both of the Su-
perior and Inferior Courts, shall hold their offices during good be-
havior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a com-
pensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in
1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases arising under this
Constitution, the laws of the Confederate States, and treaties made,
or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases
affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all
cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to
which the Confederate States shall be a party ; to controversies be-
tween two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another
State, where the State is plaintiff; between citizens claiming lands
under grants from different States ; and between the State, or the
citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, or subjects; but no
State shall be sued by a citizen or subject of any foreign State.
2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and
consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme
Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all other cases before-
mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both
as to law and facts, with such exceptions, and under such regula-
tions, as the Congress shall make.
3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall
be by jury, and such trial shall be held in the State where the said
crime shall have been committed ; but when not committed within
any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress
may by law have directed.
1. Treason against the Confederate States shall consist only in
levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving
them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason un-
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 49
less on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on
confession in open court.
2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of
treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood,
or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted,
1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public
acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And
the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which
such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect
1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges
and immunities of citizens in the several States, and shall have the
right of transit and sojourn in any State of the Confederacy, with
their slaves and other property ; and the right of property in said
slaves shall not be thereby impaired.
2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other
crime against the laws of such State, shall, on the demand of the
Executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered
up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.
3. No slave, or other person held to service or labor, in any State
or Territory of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof,
escaping or lawfully carried into another, shall, in consequence of
any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
labor ; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
slave belongs, or to whom such labor or service may be due.
1. Other States may be admitted into this Confederacy by a vote
of two-thirds of the whole House of Representatives, and two-thirds
of the Senate, the Senate voting by States ; but no new State shall
be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor
any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts
of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States con-
cerned, as well as of the Congress.
2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all need-
ful rules and regulations concerning the property of the Confederate
States, including the lands thereof.
3. The Confederate States may acquire new territory ; and ( \mgress
shall have power to legislate and provide governments for the inhab-
itants of all territory belonging to the Confederate States, lying
without the limits of the several States ; and may permit them, at
50 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
such times, and in such manner, as it may by law provide, to form
States to be admitted into the Confederacy. In all such territory,
the institution of negro slavery, as it now exists in the Confederate
States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress, and by the
Territorial Government ; and the inhabitants of the several Confed-
erate States and Territories shall have the right to take to such ter-
ritory any slaves, lawfully held by them in any of the States or Ter-
ritories of the Confederate States.
4. The Confederate States shall guarantee to every State that
is or hereafter may become a member of this Confederacy, a republican
form of government, and shall protect each of them against inva-
sion ; and on application of the Legislature (or of the Executive,
when the Legislature is in session,) against domestic violence.
1. Upon the demand of any three States, legally assembled in
their several conventions, the Congress shall summon a convention
of all the States, to take into consideration such amendments to the
Constitution as the said States all concur in suggesting at the time
when the said demand is made ; and should any of the proposed
amendments to the Constitution be agreed on by the said conven-
tion — voting by States — and the same be ratified by the Legislatures
of two-thirds of the several States, or by conventions in two-thirds
thereof — as the one or the other mode of ratification may be pro-
posed by the general convention — they shall thenceforward form a
part of this Constitution. But no State shall, without its consent, be
deprived of its equal representation in the Senate.
1. The Government established by this Constitution is the succes-
sor of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of
America, and all the laws passed by the latter shall continue in force
until the same shall be repealed or modified; and all the officers ap-
pointed by the same shall remain in office until their successors are
appointed and qualified, or the offices abolished.
2. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the
adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the Confeder-
ate States under this Constitution as under the Provisional Govern-
3. This Constitution, and the laws of the Confederate States, made
in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made,
under the authority of the Confederate States, shall be the supreme
law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound there-
by, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 51
4. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the
members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and ju-
dicial officers, both of the Confederate States and of the several
States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Consti-
tution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification
to any office of public trust under the Confederate States.
5. The enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall
not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people
of the several States.
6. The powers not delegated to the Confederate States by the Con-
stitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the
States, respectively, or to the people thereof.
1. The ratification of the conventions of five States shall be suffi-
cient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so
ratifying the same.
2. When five States shall have ratified this Constitution in the
manner before specified, the Congress under the Provisional Consti-
tution shall prescribe the time for holding the election of President
and Vice-President, and for the meeting of the Electoral College, and
for counting the votes, and inaugurating the President. They shall,
also, prescribe the time for holding the first election of members of
Congress under this Constitution, and the time for assembling the
same. Until the assembling of such Congress, the Congress^ under
the Provisional Constitution shall continue to exercise the legislative
powers granted them; not extending beyond the time limited b,y
the Constitution of the Provisional Government.
Adopted, unanimously, March 11, 1861.
52 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS
DELIVERED AT MONTGOMERY, APRIL 29, 1861.
Montgomery, April 30. — The Congress of the Confederate
States of America assembled at noon yesterday, Hon. Howell
Cobb, of Georgia, President, in the Chair.
After the usual preliminaries of organization had been gone
through with, the following Message of his Excellency, Jefferson
Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, was re-
ceived and read :
Gentlemen of Congress : — It is my pleasing duty to announce
to you that the Constitution framed for the establishment of a
permanent Government of the Confederate States of America, has
been ratified by the several conventions of each of those States
which were referred to inaugurate the said Government in its full
proportions and upon its own substantial basis of the popular
It only remains that an election should be held for the designa-
tion of the officers to administer it.
There is every reason to believe that at no distant day other
States, identified in political principles and community of inter-
ests with those which you represent, will join this Confederacy,
giving to its typical constellation increased splendor, to its gov-
ernment of free, equal, and sovereign States, a wider sphere of
usefulness, and to the friends of constitutional liberty a greater
security for its harmonious and perpetual existence.
It was not, however, for the purpose of making this announce-
ment that I have deemed it my duty to convoke you at an earlier
day than that fixed by yourselves for your meeting.
The declaration of war made against this Confederacy, by
Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in his procla-
mation, issued on the 15th day of the present month, renders it
necessary, in my judgment, that you should convene at the ear-
liest practicable moment to devise the measures necessary for the
defence of the country.
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 53
The occasion is, indeed, an extraordinary one. It justifies mo
n giving a brief review of the relations heretofore exist n I be-
tween us and the States which now unite in warfare a, ust us
and a succinct statement of the events which have resulted, £
end that mankind may pass intelligent and impartial judgment
on its motives and objects. J •-<"''
During the war waged against Great Britain by her colonies
^Z C01 ^Tll a , comm ? n ^nger impelled them to a clo i
alhance and to the formation of a Confederation, by the term,
of which the colonies styling themselves States, entered severally
£w ft Iea S ue .° f friendship with each other for their common
defence the security of their liberties, and their mutual and gen-
eral welfare binding themselves to assist each other against all
force offered to or attacks made upon them, or any of them on
whatever VehgWn ' SOTerei S n ty. trade, or any other pretence
In order to guard against any misconstruction of their com-
pact the several States made an explicit declaration in a distinct
article— that each State retain its sovereignty, freedom, and inde-
pendence, and every power of jurisdiction and right which is not
by this said Confederation expressly delegated to the United
btatcs m Congress assembled under this contract of alliance
Ihe war of the Revolution was successfully wao-ed and re-
sulted in the treaty of peace with Great Britain in*l783 by the
termsof which the several States were each by name rec'oo-nized
to be independent. °
The articles of confederation contained a clause whereby all
alterations were prohibited, unless confirmed by the Le-ishtures
of every State, after being agreed to by the Congress, and in obe-
dience to this provision, under the resolution of Congress of the
21st of February, 1787, the several States appointed delegates
for the purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and re-
porting to Congress and the several Legislatures such alterations
and provisions therein as shall, when agreed to in Congress and
confirmed by the States, render the Federal Constitution adequate
to the exigencies of the Government, and the preservation of the
It was by the delegates chosen by the several States under the
resolution just quoted, that the Constitution of the United States
was formed in 1787, and submitted to the several States for rati-
fication, as shown by the seventh article, which is in these words:
".The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be suffi-
cient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States
so ratifying the same."
I have italicized certain words in the resolutions just made for
the purpose of attracting attention to the singular and marked
54 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
caution with which the States endeavored, in every possible form,
to exclude the idea that the separate and independent sovereignty
of each State was merged into one common government or nation;
and the earnest desire they evinced to impress on the Constitu-
tion its true character — that of a compact between independent
States — the Constitution of 1787, however, admitting the clause
already recited from the articles of confederation, which pro-
vided in explicit terms that each State reclaimed its sovereignty
Some alarm was felt in the States, when invited to ratify the
Constitution, lest this omission should be construed into an aban-
donment of their cherished principles, and they refused to be
satisfied until amendments were added to the Constitution, plac-
ing beyond any pretence of doubt the reservation by the States
of their sovereign rights and powers not expressly delegated to
the United States by the Constitution.
Strange indeed must it appear to the impartial observer, but it
is none the less true, that all these carefully worded clauses proved
unavailing to prevent the rise and growth in the Northern States
of a political school which has j>ersistentiy claimed that the Gov-
ernment created by the States, to secure the blessings of liberty
and independence against foreign aggression, has been gradually
perverted into a machine for their control in their domestic
The creature has been exalted above its Creator — the principals
have been made subordinate to the agent appointed by themselves.
The people of the Southern States, whose almost exclusive
occupation was agriculture, early perceived a tendency in the
Northern States to render a common Government subservient to
their own purposes by imposing burthens on commerce as a pro-
tection to their manufacturing and shipping interests.
Long and angry controversies grew out of these attempts, often
successful, to benefit one section of the country at the expense of
the other, and the clanger of disruption arising from this cause,
was enhanced by the fact that the Northern population was in-
creasing by immigration and other causes faster than the popula-
tion of the South.
By degrees, as the Northern States gained preponderance in
the National Congress, self-interest taught their people to yield
ready assent to any plausible advocacy of their right as a ma-
jority to govern the minority. Without control they learn to
listen with impatience to the suggestion of any constitutional
impediment to the exercise of their will, and so utterly have the
principles of the Constitution been corrupted in the Northern
mind that, in the inaugural address of President Lincoln in
March last, he asserts as a maxim, which he deems to be undeni-
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 55
able, that the theory of the Constitution requires, in all oases,
that the majority shall govern. And in another memorable in-
stance the same Chief Magistrate did not hesitate to liken the
relations between States and the United States to those which
exist between the county and the State in which it is situated,
and by which it was created.
This is the lamentable and fundamental error in which rests
the policy that has culminated in his declaration of war against
these Confederate States — in addition to the long continued and
deep-seated resentment felt by the Southern States at the per-
sistent abuse of the powers they had delegated to the Congress,
for the purpose of enriching the manufacturing and shipping
classes of the North at the expense of the South.
There has existed for nearly half a century another subject of
discord, involving interests of such transcendent magnitude as
at all times to create the apprehension in the minds of many
devoted lovers of the Union that its permanence was impossible.
When the several States delegated certain powers to the United
States Congress, a large portion of the laboring population were
imported into the colonies by the mother country. In twelve out
of the fifteen States, negro slavery existed, and the right of
property existing in slaves was protected by law: this property
was recognized by the Constitution, and provision was made
against its loss by the escape of the slave.
The increase in the number of slaves by foreign importation
from Africa, was also secured by a clause forbidding Congress to
prohibit the slave trade anterior to a certain date, and in no
clause can there be found any delegation of power to the ( Vm-
gress to authorize it in any manner to legislate to the prejudice,
detriment, or discouragement of the owners of that species of
property, or excluding it from the protection of the Covernment.
The climate and soil of the Northern States soon proved un-
propitious to the continuance of slave labor, while the rexerse
being the case at the South made unrestricted free intercourse
between the two sections unfriendly.
The Northern States consulted their own interests by selling
their slaves to the South, and prohibiting slavery between their
limits. The South were willing purchasers of property suitable
to their wants, and paid the price of the acquisition without har-
boring a suspicion that their quiet possession was to be disturbed
by those who were not only in want of Constitutional authority,
but by good faith as vendors, from disquieting a title emanating
As soon, however, as the Northern States that prohibitedAfri-
can slavery within their limits had reached a number sufficient
to give their representation a controlling vote in the Cong'-"" "
56 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
persistent and organized system of hostile measures against the
rights of the owners of slaves in the Southern States was inau-
gurated and gradually extended. A series of measures was
devised and prosecuted for the purpose of rendering insecure the
tenure of property in slaves.
Fanatical organizations, supplied with money by voluntary
subscriptions, were assiduously engaged in exciting amongst the
slaves a spirit of discontent and revolt. Means were furnished
for their escape from their owners, and agents secretly employed
to entice them to abscond.
The constitutional provision for their rendition to their owners
was first evaded, then openly denounced as a violation of con-
scientious obligation and religious duty. Men were taught that
it was a merit to elude, disobey, and violently oppose the execu-
tion of the laws enacted to secure the performance of the promise
contained in the constitutional compact. Often owners of slaves
were mobbed and even murdered in open day, solely for applying
to a magistrate for the arrest of a fugitive slave.
The dogmas of the voluntary organization soon obtained con-
trol of the Legislatures of many of the Northern States, and
laws were passed for the punishment, by ruinous fines and long^
continued imprisonment in jails and penitentiaries, of citizens of
the Southern States who should dare ask aid of the officers of the
law for the recovery of their property. Emboldened by success,
on the theatre of agitation and aggression, against the clearly
expressed constitutional rights ,of the Congress, Senators and
.Representatives were sent to the common councils of the nation,
whose chief title to this distinction consisted in the display of
ultra fanaticism, and whose business was not to promote the
general welfare, or ensure domestic tranquillity, but to awaken
the bitterest hatred against the citizens of sister States by violent
denunciation of their institutions.
The transaction of public affairs was impeded by the repeated
efforts to usurp powers not delegated by the Constitution, for the
purpose of impairing the security of the property in .slaves, and
reducing those States which held slaves to a condition of in-
Finally, a great party has organized for the purpose of obtain-
ing the administration of the Government, with the avowed object
of using its power for the total exclusion of the slave States from
all participation in the benefits of the public domain, acquired
by all the States in common, whether by conquest or purchase,
surrounding them entirely by States in which slavery should be
prohibited, thus rendering the property in slaves so insecure as
to be comparatively worthless, and thereby annihilating in effect
property worth thousands of millions of dollars.
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 57
This party, thus organized, succeeded in the month of Novem-
ber last in the election of its candidate for the Presidency of the
In the meantime, under the mild and genial climate of the
Southern States, and the increasing care for the -well-being and
comfort of the laboring classes, dictated alike by interest and
humanity, the African slaves had augmented in number from
about six hundred thousand, at the date of the adoption of the
constitutional compact, to upwards of four millions.
In a moral and social condition they had been elevated from
brutal savages into docile, intelligent, and civilised agricultural
laborers, and supplied not only with bodily comforts, but with
careful religious instructions under the supervision of a superior
race. Their labor had been so directed as not only to allow a
gradual and marked amelioration of their own condition, but to
convert hundreds of thousands of square miles of the wilderness
into cultivated lands, covered with a prosperous people. Towns
and cities had sprung into existence, and it rapidly increased in
wealth and population under the social system of the South.
The white population of the Southern slaveholding States had
augmented from about 1,250,000 at the date of the adoption of
the Constitution, to more than 8,500,000 in 18G0, and the produc-
tions of the South in cotton, rice, sugar, and tobacco, for the full
development and continuance of which the labor of African
slaves was and is indispensable, had swollen to the amount which
formed nearly three-fourths of the export of the whole United
States, and had become absolutely necessary to the wants of
With interests of such overwhelming magnitude imperiled, the
people of the Southern States were driven by the conduct of the
North to the adoption of some course of action to avoid the clan-
gers which were openly menaced. With this view the Legisla-
tures of the several States invited the people to select delegates
to conventions, to be held for the purpose of determining for
themselves what measures were best to be adopted to meet so
alarming a crisis in their history.
Here it may be proper to observe that, from a period as early
as 1798, there had existed in all of the States of the Union a
party almost uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the
creed that each State was, in the last resort, the solo judge as
well of its wrongs as the mode and measures of redress.^ Indeed,
it is obvious that under the law of nations this principle is an
axiom as applied to the relations of independent sovereign States,
such as those which had united themselves under the constitu-
The Democratic party of the United States repeated in its sue-
58 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
cessful canvass in 1836, the deductions made in numerous pre-
vious political contests, that it would faithfully abide by, and
uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia
Legislatures in 1799, and that it adopts those principles as con-
stituting one of the main foundations of its political creed.
The principles thus emphatically announced, embrace that to
■which I have already adverted — the right of each State to judge
of and redress the wrongs of which it complains. Their princi-
ples were maintained by overwhelming majorities of the people
of all the States of the Union at different elections, especially in
the election of Mr. Jefferson in 1805, Mr. Madison in 1809, and
Mr. Pierce in 1852. In the exercise of a right so ancient, so
well established, and so necessary for self-preservation, the people
of the Confederate States, in their conventions, determined that
the wrongs which they had suffered, and the evils with which they
were menaced, required that they should revoke the delegation of
powers to the Federal Government which they had ratified in
their several conventions. They consequently passed ordinances
resuming all their rights as sovereign and independent States,
and dissolved their connection with the other States of the Union.
Having done this, they proceeded to form a new compact amongst
themselves by new articles of confederation, which have been also
ratified by conventions of the several States, with an approach to
unanimity far exceeding that of the conventions which adopted
the constitutions of 1787. They have organized their new Gov-
ernment in all its departments. The functions of the executive,
legislative, and judicial magistrates, are performed in accordance
with the will of the people, as displayed not merely in a cheerful
acquiescence, but in the enthusiastic support of the Government
thus established by themselves, and but for the interference of
the Government of the United States, this legitimate exercise of
a people to self-government has been manifested in every possible
Scarce had you assembled in February last, when, prior even
to the inauguration of the Chief Magistrate you had elected,
you passed a resolution expressive of your desire for the appoint-
ment of commissioners, and for the settlement of all questions of
disagreement between the two Governments, upon principles of
right, justice, equity, and good faith.
It was my pleasure, as well as my duty, to cooperate with you
in this work of peace. Indeed, in my address to you on taking
the oath of office, and before receiving from you the communica-
tion of this resolution, I had said that "as a necessity, not as a
choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separating, and hence-
forth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own
affairs, and the perpetuity of the Confederacy which we have
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 59
formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us
to peaceably pursue our separate political career, my most earnest
desire will then have been fulfilled."
It was in furtherance of these accordant views of the Congress
and Executive, that I made choice of three discreet, able" and
distinguished citizens, who repaired to Washington. Aidell by
their cordial cooperation, and that of the Secretary of State, every
effort compatible with self-respect and the dignity of the Con-
federacy, was exhausted before I allowed myself to vield to the
conviction that the government of the United States was deter-
mined to attempt the conquest of this people, and that our cher-
ished hopes of peace were unobtainable.
On the arrival of our Commissioners in Washington, on the
5th of March, they postponed, at the suggestion of a friendly
intermediator, doing more than giving informal notice of their
arrival. This was done with a view to afford time to the Presi-
dent of the United States, who had "just been inaugurated, for
the discharge of other pressing official duties in the organization
of his administration, before engaging his attention to'the object
of their mission.
It was not until the 12th of the month that they officially
addressed the Secretary of State, informing him of the purpose
of their arrival, and stating, in the language of their instructions.
their wish to make to the government of the United States over-
tures for the opening of negotiations, assuring the government of
the United States that the President, Congress, and people of the
Confederate States, desired a peaceful solution of these great
questions — that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make
any demand which is not founded on the strictest principles of
justice, nor to do any act to injure their late confederates.
To this communication no formal reply was received until the
8th of April. During the interval the Commissioners had con-
sented to waive all questions of form, with the firm resolve to
avoid war if possible. They went so far even as to hold, during
that long period, unofficial intercourse through an intermediary,
whose high position and character inspired the hope of success,
and through whom constant assurances were received from the
Government of the United States of peaceful intentions — of its
determination to evacuate Fort Sumter; and further, that no
measure changing the existing status prejudicially to the Con-
federate States was in contemplation ; that in the event of am
change in regard to Fort Pickens, notice would be given to the
The crooked path of diplomacy can scarcely furnish an exam-
ple so wanting in courtesy, in candor, and directness, as was the
course of the United States Government towards our Commis-
60 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
sioners in Washington. For proof of this, I refer to the annexed
documents marked, taken in connection with further facts, which
I now proceed to relate.
Early in April, the attention of the whole country was attracted
to extraordinary preparations for an extensive military and naval
expedition in New York and other Northern ports. These pre-
parations commenced in secrecy, for an expedition whose destina-
tion was concealed, and only became known when nearly com-
pleted; and on the 5th, 6th and 7th of April, transports and
vessels of war, with troops, munitions, and military supplies,
sailed from Northern ports bound Southward.
Alarmed by so extraordinary a demonstration, the' Commis-
sioners requested the delivery of an answer to their official com-
munication of the 12th of March, and the reply dated on the 15th
of the previous month, from which it appears that during the
whole interval, whilst the Commissioners were receiving assur-
ances calculated to inspire hope of the success of their mission,
the Secretary of State and the President of the United States
had already determined to hold no intercourse with them what-
ever — to refuse even to listen to any proposals they had to make,
and had profited by the delay created by their own assurances,
in order to prepare secretly the means for effective hostile
That these assurances were given, has been virtually confessed
by the Government of the United States, by its act of sending a
messenger to Charleston to give notice of its purpose to use force
if opposed in its intentions of supplying Fort Sumter.
No more striking proof of the absence of good faith in the
confidence of the Government of the United States towards the
Confederacy can be required than is contained in the circum-
stances which accompanied this notice.
According to the usual course of navigation, the vessels com-
posing the expedition, and designed for the relief of Fort Sumter,
might be looked for in the Charleston harbor on the 9 th of April.
Yet our Commissioners in Washington were detained under assur-
ances that notice should be given of any military movement.
The notice was not addressed to them, but a messenger was
sent to Charleston to give notice to the Governor of South
Carolina, and the notice was so given at a late hour on the 8th
of April, the eve of the very day on which the fleet might be
expected to arrive.
That this manoeuvre failed in its purpose was not the fault of
those who controlled it. A heavy tempest delayed the arrival of
the expedition, and gave time to the commander of our forces at
Charleston to ask and receive instructions of the Government.
Even then, under all the provocation incident to the contemptuous
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 01
refusal to listen to our Commissioners, and the treacherous course
of the Government of the United States, I was sincerely anxious
to avoid the effusion of blood, and directed a proposal to be made
to the commander of Fort Sumter, who had avowed himself to
be nearly out of provisions, that we would abstain from directing
our fire on Fort Sumter if he would promise to not open fire on
our forces unless first attacked. This proposal was refused. The
conclusion was that the design of the United States was to place
the besieging force at Charleston between the simultaneous fire
of the fleet. The fort should, of course, be at once reduced. This
order was executed by Gen. Beauregard with skill and success.
which were naturally to be expected from the well-known char-
acter of that gallant officer ; and, although the bombardment
lasted some thirty-three hours, our flag did not wave over the
battered walls until after the appearance of the hostile fleet off
Fortunately not a life was lost on our side, and we were grati-
fied in being prepared. The necessity of a useless effusion of
blood by the prudent caution of the officers who commanded the
fleet in abstaining from the evidently futile effort to enter the
harbor for the relief of Major Anderson, was spared.
I refer to the report of the Secretary of War, and the papers
accompanying it, for further particulars of this brilliant affair.
In this connection I cannot refrain from a well-deserved tribute
to the noble State, the eminent soldier qualities of whose people
were conspicuously displayed. The people of Charleston for
months had been irritated by the spectacle of a fortress held
within their principal harbor as a standing menace against their
peace and independence — built in part with their own money —
its custody confided with their long consent to an agent who held
no power over them other than such as they had themselves dele-
gated for their own benefit, intended to be used by that agent for
their own protection against foreign attack. How it was held
out with persistent tenacity as a means of offence against them
by the very Government which they had established for their
own protection, is well known. They had beleaguered it for
months, and felt entire confidence in their power to capture it,
yet yielded to the requirements of discipline, curbed their impa-
tience, submitted without complaint to the unaccustomed hard-
ships, labors, and privations of a protracted siege, and when at
length their patience was relieved by the signal for attack, and
success had crowned their steady and gallant conduct, even in
the very moment of triumph, they evinced a chivalrous regard
for the feelings of the bravo but unfortunate officer who had been
compelled to lower his flag.
All manifestations of exultations were cheeked in his presence.
Their commanding General, with their cordial approval, and the
consent of his Government, refrained from imposing any terms
that would wound the sensibility of the commander of the fort.
He was permitted to retire with the honors of war, to salute his
flag, to depart freely, with all his command, and was escorted to
the vessel on which he embarked, with the highest marks of
respect from those against whom his guns had so recently been
Not only does every event connected with the siege reflect the
highest honor on South Carolina, but the forbearance of her
people, and of this Government, from making any harangue of a
victory, obtained under circumstances of such peculiar provoca-
tion, attest to the fullest extent the absence of any purpose be-
yond securing their own tranquillity, and the sincere desire to
avoid the calamities of war.
Scarcely had the President of the United States received intelli-
gence of the failure of the scheme, which he had devised for the
reinforcement of Fort Sumter, when he issued the declaration of
war against this Confederacy, which has prompted me to convoke
you. In this extraordinary production, that high functionary
affects total ignorance of the existence of an independent Gov-
ernment, which, possessing the entire and enthusiastic devotion
of its people, is exercising its functions, without question, over
seven sovereign States — over more than five millions of people —
and over a territory whose area exceeds five hundred thousand
He terms sovereign States "combinations too powerful to be
suppressed in the ordinary courts of judicial proceedings, or by
the powers vested in the marshals by law."
He calls for an army of seventy-five thousand men to act as the
posse comitatus in aid of the process of the courts of justice in
States, where no courts exist whoso mandates and decrees are
not cheerfully obeyed and respected by a willing people.
He avows that the first service to be assigned to the forces
which have been called out, will not be to execute the processes
of courts, but to capture forts and strongholds, situated within
the admitted limits of this Confederacy, and garrisoned by its
troops, and declares that this effort is intended to maintain the
perpetuity of popular Government.
lie concludes by commanding the persons composing the
"combinations" aforesaid, to wit: the five millions of inhabitants
of these States, to retire peaceably to their respective abodes
within twenty days.
Apparently contradictory, as are the terms of this singular
document, one point was unmistakably evident : The President
of the United States calls for an army of 75,000 men, whose first
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 03
service was to capture our forts. It was a plain declaration of
war, which I was not at liberty to disregard, because of my
knowledge that, under the Constitution of the United States, the
President was usurping a power granted exclusively to' the
He is the sole organ of communication between that country
and foreign powers. The law of nations did not permit me to
question the authority of the Executive of a foreign nation to
declare war against this Confederacy. Although I mi«ht have
refrained from taking active measures for our defence, if the
States of the Union had all imitated the action of Virginia, North
Carolina, Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missnuri, by
denouncing it as an unconstitutional usurpation of power, to
which they refused to respond, I was not at liberty to disregard
the fact that many of the States seemed quite content to submit
to the exercise of the powers assumed by the President of the
United States, and were actively engaged in levying troops for
the purpose indicated in the proclamation. Deprived of the aid
of Congress at the moment, I was under the necessity of confin-
ing my action to a call on the States for volunteers, for the
common defence, in accordance with the authority you had con-
fided to me before your adjournment.
I deemed it proper, further, to issue a proclamation inviting
applications from persons disposed to aid in our defence, in
private armed vessels on the high seas, to the end that prepara-
tions might be made for the immediate issue of letters of marque
and reprisal, which you alone, under the Constitution, have the
power to grant.
I entertain no doubt that you will concur with me in the
opinion that, in the absence of an organized navy, it will lie
eminently expedient to supply their place with private armed
vessels, so happily styled, by the publicists of the United States,
the militia of the sea, and so often and justly relied on by them
as an efficient and admirable instrument of defensive warfare.
I earnestly recommend the immediate passage of a law author-
izing me to accept the numerous proposals already received.
I cannot close this review of the acts of the government of the
United States, without referring to a proclamation issued by their
President, under date of the l'Jth inst., in which, after declaring
that an insurrection has broken out in this Confederacy, against
the government of the United States, he announces a blockade of
all the ports of these States, and threatens to punish as pirates
all persons who shall molest any vessels of the United States,
under letters of marque issued by this Government. _ Notwith-
standing the authenticity of this proclamation, you will concur
64 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
■with me that it is hard to believe that it could have emanated
from a President of the United States.
Its announcement of a mere paper blockade is so manifestly a
violation of the law of nations, that it would seem incredible that
it could have been issued by authority ; but conceding this to be
the case, so far as the Executive is concerned, it will be difficult
to satisfy the people of these States that their late confederates
will sanction its declarations — will determine to ignore the
usages of civilized nations, and will inaugurate a war of exter-
mination on both sides, by treating as pirates open enemies acting
under the authority of commissions issued by an organized
If such a proclamation was issued, it could only have been
published under the sudden influence of passion, and we may
rest assured that mankind will be spared the horrors of the con-
flict it seems to invite.
For the details of the administration of the different depart-
ments, I refer to the reports of the Secretaries of each, which
accompany this message.
The State Department has furnished the necessary instructions
for those Commissioners who have been sent to England, Prance,
Russia, and Belgium, since your adjournment, to ask our recogni-
tion as a member of the family of nations, and to make with
each of these powers treaties of amity and commerce.
Further steps will be taken to enter into like negotiations with
the other European Powers, in pursuance to resolutions passed at
your last session.
Sufficient time has not yet elapsed since the departure of these
Commissioners for the receipt of any intelligence from them.
As I deem it desirable that commissioners, or other diplomatic
agents, should also be sent at an early period to the independent
American Powers south of our Confederacy, with all of whom it
is our interest and earnest wish to maintain the most cordial
and friendly relations, I suggest the expediency of making the
necessary appropriations for that purpose.
Having been officially notified by the public authorities of the
State of Virginia, that she had withdrawn from the Union, and
desired to maintain the closest political relations with us which
it was possible at this time to establish, I commissioned the Hon.
Alex. H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States, to
represent this Government at Richmond.
I am happy to inform you that he has concluded a convention
with the State of Virginia, by which that honored Commonwealth,
so long and justly distinguished among her sister States, and so
dear to the hearts of thousands of her children in the Confed-
erate States, has united her power and her fortunes with ours,
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. G5
and become one of us. This convention, together with the ordi-
nance of Virginia adopting the Provisional Constitution of the
Confederacy, will be laid before you for your'constitutional action.
I have satisfactory assurances from others of our late confed-
erates, that they are on the point of adopting similar measures,
and I cannot doubt that ere you shall have been many weeks in
session, the whole of the slaveholding States of the late Union
will respond to the call of honor and aifection, and by uniting
their fortunes with ours, promote our common interests and
secure our common safety.
In the_Treasury Department, regulations have been devised
and put into execution for carrying out the policy indicated in
your legislation, on the subject of the navigation of the .Missis-
sippi river, as well as for the collection of the revenue on the
Free transit has been secured for vessels' and merchandise pass-
ing through the Confederate States, and delay and inconvenience
have been avoided as far as possible.
In organizing the revenue services for the various railways
entering our territory, as fast as experience shall indicate the
possibility of improvement in these regulations, no eifort will be
spared to free commerce from all unnecessary embarrassnrents
Under your act authorizing a loan, proposals were issued invit-
ing subscriptions for five millions of dollars, and the call was
answered by the prompt subscription of eight millions by our
own citizens, and not a single bid was made under par.
The rapid development of the purpose of the President of the
United States to invade our soil, capture our forts, blockade our
ports, and wage war against us, induced me to direct that the
entire subscription should be accepted. It will now become
necessary to raise means to a much larger amount, to defray the
expenses of maintaining our independence and repelling invasion.
I invite your special attention to this subject ; and the financial
condition of the Government, with the suggestion of ways and
means for the supply of the treasury, will be presented to you in
a separate communication.
To the department of Justice you have confided not only the
organization and supervision of all matters connected with the
courts of justice, but, also, those connected with patents and with
the bureau of the public printing.
Since the adjournment, all the courts, with the exception of
those of Mississippi and Texas, have been organized by the
appointment of marshals and district attorneys, and are now
prepared for the exercise of their functions. In the two States
just named the gentlemen confirmed as judges declined to accept
66 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
the appointment, and no nominations have yet been made to fill
I refer you to the 1 report of the Attorney General, and concur
in his recommendation for immediate legislation, especially upon
the subject of patent rights. Early provision should be made to
secure to the subjects of foreign nations the full enjoyment of
their property in valuable inventions, and to extend to our own
citizens protection, not only for their own inventions, but for such
as may have been assigned to them, or may hereafter be assigned
by persons not alien enemies.
The patent office business is much more extensive and impor-
tant than had been anticipated. The applications for patents,
although confined under the laws exclusively to citizens of our
Confederacy, already average seventy per month, showing the
necessity for the prompt organization of a bureau of patents.
The Secretary of War, in his report and accompanying docu-
ments, conveys full information concerning the forces, regular,
volunteer, and provisional, raised and called for under the several
acts of Congress — -their organization and distribution, also an
account of the expenditures already made, and the further esti-
mates for the fiscal year ending on the 18th of February, 1862,
rendered necessary by recent events.
I refer to the report, also, for a full history of the occurrences
in Charleston harbor, prior to, and including the bombardment
and reduction of Fort Sumter, and of the measures subsequently
taken fqr common defence on receiving the intelligence of the
declaration of war against us, made by the President of the
There are now in the field at Charleston, Pensacola, Forts
Morgan, Jackson, St. Philip, and Pulaski, 19,000 men, and 16,000
are now en route for Virginia. It is proposed" to organize and
hold in readiness for instant action, in view of the present
exigencies of the country, an army of 100,000 men. If further
force be needed, the wisdom and patriotism of the Congress will
be confidently appealed to for authority to call into the field addi-
tional numbers of our noble spirited volunteers, who are con-
stantly tendering their services far in excess of our wants.
The operations of the Navy Department have been necessarily
restricted by the fact that sufficient time has not yet elapsed for
the purchase or construction of more than a limited number of
vessels adapted to the public service. Two vessels have been
purchased and manned, the Sumter and McRae, and are now
being prepared for sea, at New Orleans, with all possible dis-
patch. Contracts have also been made at that city, with two
different establishments, for the casting of ordnance — cannon,
shot, and shell — with the view to encourage the manufacture of
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 67
these articles, so indispensable for our defence, at as many points
within our territory as possible. I call your attention to the
recommendation of the Secretary, for the establishment of a
magazine and laboratory for the preparation of ordnance stores,
and the necessary appropriation required for that purpose.
Hitherto such stores have been prepared at the navy yards, and
no appropriation was made at your last session for this object.
The Secretary also calls attention to the fact that no provision
has been made for the payment of invalid pensions to our citizens.
Many of these persons are advanced in life — they have no means
of support — and by the secession of these States have been
deprived of their claim against the government of the United
I recommend the appropriation of the sum necessary to pay
these pensioners, as well as those of the army, whose claim can
scarcely exceed ?20,000 per annum.
The Postmaster-General has already succeeded in organizing
his Department to such an extent as to be in readiness to assume
the direction of our postal affairs on the occurrence of the con-
tingency contemplated by the act of 15th March, 1861, or even
sooner if desired by Congress.
The various books and circulars have been prepared, and
measures taken to secure supplies of blanks, postage stamps,
stamped envelopes, mail-bags, locks, keys, etc.
He presents a detailed classification and arrangement of the
clerical force, and asks for its increase.
An Auditor of the Treasury for this department is necessary,
and a plan is submitted for the organization of his bureau.
The great number and magnitude of the accounts of this
department, require an increase of the clerical force in the
accounting branch of the treasury. The revenues of this depart-
ment are collected and distributed in modes peculiar to itself, and
require a special bureau to secure a proper accountability in the
administration of its finances.
I call your attention to the additional legislation required for
this department — to the recommendation for changes in the law
fixing the rates of postage on newspapers, and sealed packages
of certain kinds, and specially to the recommendation of the
Secretary, in which I concur, that you provide at once for the
assumption by him of the control of our entire postal service.
In the military organization of the States, provision is made
for Brigadier and Major-Generals, but in the army of the Con-
federate States the highest grade is that of Brigadier-General ;
hence it will no doubt sometimes occur that where troops of the
Confederacy do duty with the militia, the General selected for
the command, and possessed of the views and purposes of this
68 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Government, will be superseded by an officer of the militia not
having the same advantages.
To avoid contingencies in the least objectionable manner, I re-
commend that additional rank be given to the General of the Con-
federate army, and- concurring in the policy of having but one
grade of Generals*rh' the army of the Confederacy, I recommend
that the law of its organization be amended, so that the grade be
that of General.
To secure thorough military education, it is deemed essential
that officers should enter upon the study of their profession at an
early period of life, and have elementary instruction in a military
Until such school shall be established, it is recommended that
cadets be appointed and attached to companies, until they shall
have attained the age, and shall have acquired the knowledge to
fit them for the duties of lieutenants.
I also call your attention to an omission in the law organizing
the army, in relation to military chaplains, and recommend that
provision be made for their appointment.
In conclusion, I congratulate you on the fact, that in every por-
tion of our country there has been exhibited the most patriotic
devotion to our common cause. Transportation companies have
freely tendered the use of their lines for troops and supplies.
The Presidents of the railroads of the Confederacy, in company
with others, who control lines of communication with the States
that we hope soon to greet as sisters, assembled in convention in
this city, have not only reduced largely the rates heretofore de-
manded for mail service, and conveyance of troops and munitions,
but have voluntarily proffered to receive their compensation at
their reduced rates in the bonds of the Confederacy, for the pur-
pose of leaving all the resources of the Government at its own dis-
posal for the common defence.
Requisitions for troops have been met with such alacrity, that
the numbers tendering their service have in ettery instance greatly
exceeded the demand. Men of the highest official and social posi-
tion are serving as volunteers in the ranks. The gravity of age,
the zeal of youth, rival each other in the desire to be foremost in
the public defence ; and though aft no other point than the one
heretofore noticed have they been stimulated by the excitement
incident to actual engagement, and the hope of distinction for in-
dividual deportment, they have borne, what for new troops is the
most severe ordeal, patient toil, constant vigil, and all the exposure
and discomfort of active service with a resolution and fortitude
such as to command the approbation and justify the highest
expectation of their conduct, when active valor shall be required
in place of steady endurance.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 69
A people thus united and resolute cannot shrink from any sac-
rifice which they may be called on to make ; nor can there be a
reasonable doubt of their final success ; however long and severe
may be the test of their determination to maintain their birthright
of freedom and equality as a trust which it is their first duty to
transmit unblemished to their posterity.
A bounteous Providence cheers us with the promise of abundant
The field of grain which will, within a few weeks, be ready for
the sickle, gives assurance of the amplest supply of food ; whilst
the corn, cotton, and other staple productions of our soil, afford
abundant proof that up to this period the season has been pro-
"We feel that our cause is just and holy.
We protest solemnly, in the face of mankind, that we desire
peace at any sacrifice, save that of honor.
In independence we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, no
cession of any kind from the States with which we have lately
confederated. All we ask is to be let alone — that those who never
held power over us, shall not now attempt our subjugation by
arms. This we will, we must resist, to the direst extremity.
The moment that this pretension is abandoned, the sword will
drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into treaties
of amity and commerce that cannot but be mutually beneficial.
So long as this pretension is maintained, with firm reliance on
that Divine Power which covers with its protection the just cause,
we will continue to struggle for our inherent rights to freedom,
independence, and self-government.
Montgomery, April 29, 1S61.
70 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
COTTON AND ITS SUPPLY.
The manufacturing and commercial communities are deeply
exercised at present, respecting the supply of cotton for
manufacturing purposes. Very large meetings have been
held recently in England, and active measures taken to en-
courage the cultivation and development of cotton in several
of the British colonies ; and in private, as well as public,
cotton has been the universal theme of discussion. The
whole cotton crop of America, in 1860, was 4,675,770 bales;
and of this, 3,697,727 bales were exported, and 978,043
bales used at home. England alone took 2,582,000 bales,
which amounted to about four-fifths of her entire consump-
tion. It is no wonder that this question causes considerable
excitement at present, and especially in England, where four
millions of persons are stated to be connected with, and de-
pendent for support on, the cotton manufacture.
The great desire of cotton manufacturers is to increase the
supply of cotton in many different parts of the world, so
that they may not be so dependent upon one particular sec-
tion of the globe. Several erroneous views have lately been
propagated on this subject. The growers of any material
are just as dependent upon consumers as the latter are upon
the former. The laws of trade regulate these things, and
there is no earthly mode of controlling the influence of the
cotton-growing region of the Gulf of Florida but by raising
as good qualities of cotton, at lower prices, in other sections
of the world. Now the question arises : " Can this be ac-
complished ?" So far as we have knowledge of the various
AND REPOSITORY CF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 71
climates, we tliink it cannot, without new agencies being
brought into requisition. Cotton requires a warm, moist
climate ; it is as sensitive to droughts as to frosts, and so far
as we know, the warm breezes of the Gulf of Florida supply
that moisture to the plant in America, which cannot be ob-
tained in any other warm climate without artificial irrigation.
Cotton is raised in Egypt, the land of no rain ; but the
plants are watered by artificial agencies, from the Nile, at a
great cost for such labor. In India, Africa, and China, wet
and dry seasons prevail ; there are no gentle showers of fre-
quent recurrence, as in the Southern States ; therefore, the
droughts in those countries are unfavorable to the cultiva-
tion of cotton, as compared with America. The develop-
ment of the American cotton trade affords evidence of great
natural advantages. The cotton fields of the Southern
States embrace an area of 500,000 square miles, and the
capital invested in the cultivation of the plant amounts to
8900,000,000. Seventy years ago, the exports of our cotton
were only 420 bales — not one-tenth of the amount furnished
by several countries to England. Now the South furnishes
five-sevenths of the surplus cotton product of the entire world;
it has increased, while other cotton countries have decreased.
There must be a reason for this, as the best American her-
baceous cotton is not indigenous to the soil ; the seed was
first imported. We can only attribute these results to great
care in its culture, and the natural advantages of climate,
which we have described.
72 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC
COTTON CROP OP THE UNITED STATES.
Statement and Total Amount for the year ending Slst
Export from New Orleans,
To Foreign ports 1,783,673
To Coastwise ports 132,179
Burnt at New Orleans 3,276
Stock, 1st September, 1861 10^118
Received from Mobile 48,270
Eeceived from Montgomery, etc 11,551
Received from Florida 13,279
Received from Texas 30,613
Stock, 1st September, 1860 73,934
Export from Mobile,
To Foreign ports 456,421
To Coastwise ports 127,574
Manufactured in Mobile, (estimated) 2,000
Stock, 1st September, 1861 2,481
Stock, 1st September, 1860 41,682 546,794
Export from Galveston, etc.,
To Foreign ports 63,209
To Coastwise ports 84 254
Stock, 1st September, 1861 452
„ , 147,015
Stock, 1st September, 1860 3 168 144 747
Export from Apalachicola, St. Mark, etc.,! 5
To Foreign ports 28 073
To Coastwise ports 85,953
Burnt at St. Mark's 'l50
Stock, 1st September, 1861 7,860
Stock, 1st September, 1860 846 121172
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 73
Export from Savannah,
To Foreign ports —
Sea Islands 8 441
To Coastwise ports —
Sea Islands 11,512
Stock in Savannah, 1st September, 1861 4^102
Stock in Augusta, etc., 1st August, 1861 5,991
Received from Florida —
Sea Islands 1,033
Stock in Savannah, September 1st, 1860 4,307
Stock in Augusta, etc., 1st Sept., 1860 5,252
south Carolina. 16,780 477,584
Export from Charleston and Georgetown, S. C,
To Foreign ports —
Sea Islands 15,043
To Coastwise ports —
Sea Islands 8,355
Burnt at Charleston 564
Stock in Charleston, 1st September, 1861 2,899
Received from Florida and Savannah —
Sea Islands 255
Stock in Charleston, 1st September, 1860 8,897
NORTH CAROLINA. 11,530 336,339
To Foreign ports 195
To Coastwise ports 56,100
To Foreign ports 870
To Coastwise ports 61,129
Manufactured, (taken from the ports,) 16,933
Stock, 1st September, 1861 2,000
Stock, 1st September, 1860 2,800 78,132
74 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Shipments from Memphis, Tenn 369,857
Shipments from Nashville, Tenn 16,471
Shipments from Columbus and Hickman, Ky. 5,500
Stock at Memphis, 1st September, 1861 1,671
Shipments to New Orleans 196,366
Manufactured on the Ohio, etc 52,000
Stock, 1st September, 1860 1,709
Trade and Shipping of the Seceded States, for the year
ending June 30, 1859.
Principal Ports. Reg. Tonnage. En. Tonnage.
Charleston, S. C 36,496 25,087
Savannah, Ga 25,086 12,757
Mobile, Ala 22,935 22,836
New Orleans, La 128,435 86,982
During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1858, the American and
foreign tonnage and number of vessels which entered all the ports
in the seceded States, including Texas, were as follows :
Cotton States. ., Vessels. Tonnage.
Alabama 227 149,415
Georgia 200 90,156
Louisiana 1,129 758,371
Florida 290 58,638
North Carolina 288 42,735
Texas 39 17,728
South Carolina 395 153,834
Total 2,563 1,254,882
The value of exports and imports at the ports in the above States,
was as follows, for the years named :
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE.
The ports most prominent for their value of exports, were New
Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, and Charleston. For the year ending
June 30, 1859, they stand as follows :
Exports of Domestic Produce. Imports.
New Orleans $100,890,689 $18,109,516
Mobile 28,933,652 788,164
Savannah 15,372,696 624,599
Charleston 17,902,194 1,438,535
Total $163,099,031 $21,200,814
Excess of exports over imports.. $141,898,217
The total value of exports from the
United States for the year ending
June 30, 1859, of all kinds of
foreign and domestic produce,
with bullion and specie, ($63,-
887,411,) amounted to 338,763,130
Value of domestic produce from the
four ports above 163,099,031
Thus showing that the domestic exports of these four ports of the
seceding States alone, nearly equalled one-half of the entire exports
of the United States, of every description.
A Statement of the Supply and Consumption of Cotton
in Europe and the United States, for the ten years
ending with 1860.
76 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
SUGAR CROP OF LOUISIANA FOR 1860.
And Annual Statement of the Sugar Market of JY. Orleans.
The crop, according to Mr. Champonier's annual sugar
statement, amounted to 228,753 hhds, averaging 1150 lbs,
and making an aggregate weight of 263,065,000 lbs. This
embraced 195,490 hhds of Brown Sugar, made by the old
process, and 33,263 refined, clarified, etc., including cistern
bottoms, the whole being the product of 1292 Sugar Houses,
of which 1009 were worked by steam, and 283 by horse
power. The crop of the preceding year amounted to 221,840
hhds, weighing 255,115,750 lbs, showing an increase for the
last year ot over 6900 hhds, or about 7,950,000 lbs.
According to our calculations, the price of the entire crop
has averaged 5 J, against 7ic last year. At this average, and
taking the estimate of 1150 lbs to the hogshead, the aggre-
gate value of the crop of 228,753 hhds is $14,468^627,
against $18,190,880, the product of 221,840 hhds last year;
or a decrease of $3,722,253. The receipts at the levee since
the 1st of September have been 174,637 hhds and 5976
tierces and bbls, against 175,776 hhds and 4808 tierces and
bbls last year.
The estimated stock on hand at the close of last season was
1000 hhds, and this amount, added to the crop, would make
a supply of 229,753 hhds, and including the exports from
Attakapas, 42,163 hhds; consumption of the city and
neighborhood, 30,000 hhds ; taken for refining, in the city
and other parts of the State, including cistern bottoms,
10,000 hhds ; estimated quantity taken to fill up hhds for
shipment, 15,000 hhds ; stock now on hand in the State, es-
timated at 5,000 hhds ; leaving as the quantity taken for the
West, etc., 127,590 hhds, against 133,423 hhds last year, or
a decrease of 5833 hhds. The quantity shipped to Atlantic
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 77
ports is 32,323 hhds, against 33,553 hhds last year; showing
a decrease of 1230 hhds.
According to a statement annually made up by the New-
York Shipping and Commercial List, the total imports of
foreign Sugar, into the United States, for the year ended
December 31st, 1860, were 341,532 tons, (equal to 637,526
hogsheads of 1200 lbs each,) against 262,829 tons, or 490,614
hogsheads in 1859 ; and the quantity of this description
taken for consumption in 1860, was 296,950 tons, against
239,034 tons in 1859; or an increase of about 24 } ^ ct.
The consumption of both foreign and domestic cane-Sugar
in 1860, was 415,281 tons, against 431,184 tons in 1859 ; or
a decrease in the total consumption of nearly 3| ^ ct. Be-
sides the above, it is estimated that there entered into the
consumption 13,392 tons of Sugar made from foreign and
domestic Molasses, which, with the consumption of California
and Oregon, estimated at 8000 tons, would give a grand total
for the consumption of the United States, in 1860, of
464,673 tons, against 478,737 in 1859. This amount is
equal to 1,040,867,520 lbs, or 867,389 hogsheads of 1200
fb.s each, giving an average (estimating the whole population
at 30,000,000) of nearly 34| ft>s to each man, woman, and
child, including slaves.
We have compiled from our records the annexed State-
ment of the Sogar Product of Louisiana for the past twenty-
seven years, showing the amount of each year's crop in
hogsheads and pounds, with the gross average value ^ hogs-
head and total, the proportions taken by Atlantic ports and
Western States, and the date of the first receipt of each
crop. By this statement, it will be seen that the total pro-
duct of Louisiana, from 1834 to 1860, inclusive, a period of
twenty-seven years, was 5,065,302 hhds, valued at $280,-
789,767, and that of this quantity the Atlantic ports took
THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
1,551,529 hlids, and the Western States 2,575,467 hhds.
The crops from 1828 (which is as far back as our estimates
extend) to 1833, summed up 281,000 hogsheads, which
would make the total product, in a period of thirty-two years,
5,346 302 hogsheads, or 5,718,347,450 pounds. We would
here remark, that up to 1848, the product in hogsheads is
estimated, and 1000 pounds taken as the average weight ^
hogshead ; but for the crops since that date, we have taken
the figures of Mr. P A. Champonier, as we find them in his
AND KEFOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE.
EXTENT OF THE TOBACCO INTEEEST.
An able memorial, addressed by a leading and well-known
citizen of Richmond to the Macon Convention, furnishes
some valuable and interesting statistics on the tobacco inter-
est. We have been put at liberty to use some of these sta-
tistics, gathered from the manuscript of the writer.
The annual revenue from tobacco in England is about
twenty-five millions of dollars ; the consumption being, for
80 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
1858, 33,739,133 pounds; in 1859, 34,459,864 pounds; and
in 1860, 35,306,846 pounds. In 1858, our exports to
England and her colonies were twenty-three thousand nine
hundred and ninety-four hogsheads, four thousand two hun-
dred and twenty-three boxes, and one thousand four hundred
and fifty-seven bales — their whole value in dollars, as de-
clared at the custom-houses of file United States, was four
millions three hundred and ninety-nine thousand three hun-
dred and sixty-one dollars. In 1859, the official returns
make our exports 37,906 hogsheads, 2,068 boxes, 3,891
bales, valued at $6,000,234; in other words, the value of
this article shipped to England by us, when grown and
placed on shipboard, is, on an average, five millions ; and,
allowing the consumption of Great Britain to be four-fifths
of American tobacco, the crop of our tobacco yields to her
exchequer four times as much as it does to our : planters,
without any charge for that which she exports, or for that
which goes to her colonies direct. The duty is three
shillings sterling on each pound of leaf tobacco, and five per
cent, on the manufactured, |about nine shillings and six-
pence — say seventy-five cents on leaf, and two dollars and
twenty-five cents on the manufactured, per pound.
In France, in the year 1791, the Regie and Farmers Gen-
eral were abolished, and a duty of 20 francs on 100 pounds
imported by foreign vessels, and three-fourths of that sum,
if on French vessels, was substituted ; and, in 1799, it was
increased to sixty-six francs on that in foreign vessels, and
on that in French vessels to forty-four francs, with an excise
tax of forty centimes (about eighty cents) on the kilogramme
(2 20-100 pounds) was imposed on the manufacturer, and
twenty-four centimes (about five cents) the kilogramme on
leaf or smoking tobacco. Under this system the revenue
amounted to only $1,129,708. In 1804, the whole subject
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 81
was entrusted to the general administration of the customs,
the fullest rigor was exercised, and domiciliary visits were
made to both sellers and manufacturers. The revenue was
brought up to $12,600,000 ; the duties were doubled in 1804,
and again in 1806, with all possible appliances of the most
rigid surveillance. The revenue only reached, in 1811,
$16,000,000. From this period, the sale and manufacture
became a government monopoly. By this system, the revenue
was brought up to $25,000,000, in 1820. The sales that
year, by government, were 12,645,277 kilogrammes, produc-
ing $64,027,137 Deducting expenses of cost of tobacco, and
of the manufacture, the net revenue was 42,219,604 francs.
In 1830, the sales were 11,169,554 kilogrammes ; proceeds,
$81,366,947; the costs of tobacco, and manufacture,
$22,338,035; net revenue, $59,028,912. In 1838, tobacco,
purchased chiefly in America, was 6,520,569 kilogrammes,
valued at $14,497,309. The consumption of all tobacco in
France, in 1858, was 21,981,096 kilogrammes; in 1859,
24,099,837 kilogrammes. In 1826, the declared value of
American, and all other tobacco, per pound, was about nine-
teen cents, (or, to use French terms,) two francs thirty
centimes for the kilogramme. In 1859, $145 per kilo-
gramme, or about twelve cents per pound, was the declared
value of the tobacco, as received at the ports of France. Of
the receipts, American tobacco constituted 19,846,198 kilo-
grammes, say 43,661,635 pounds — about thirty thousand
hogsheads in all. The revenue for 1860 was the enormous
sum of $36,000,000, say 180,000,000 francs, and employed
thirty thousand persons in its culture, manufacture, and sale.
On this subject, an argument addressed to the French Gov-
ernment, through the Court de Vergennes, by Mr. Jefferson,
dated at Paris, August 15th, 1785, is full of argument, and
we may at once recognize that it had produced its impres-
82 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
sion for six years afterwards. The ports were thrown open
to tobacco, at very low duties, comparatively. On the 22d
of June, 1848, M. Thouret laid a proposition before the
French Assembly, " that the sale of tobacco and snuff
should no longer be exclusively in the hands of the Govern-
ment. The proposition did not receive twenty -Jive votes of
aa assembly of more than six hundred members, and thus fell
to the ground — that number of assenting votes being re-
quired before any proposition can come before the Chambers,
even for consideration. This vote would seem to show that
public opinion in France was in favor of the monopoly,
when we consider that the members have been so recently
chosen by universal suffrage throughout all parts of France."
These extracts are from Mr. Rush's late work, page 481.
This is the care which the late Government bestowed on our
commercial interests. Mr. Jefferson not only wrote down
his conversations on the subject, but he submitted facts and
considerations worthy of the great interests at stake. The
indifferent memorandum by Mr. Rush was enough for him
and the interests he represented in France. The article of
tobacco is a monopoly in Sardinia, and all Italy, and in
Austria, and also in Spain. A very valuable note on the
last principle, page 179, taken from Jefferson's report in
1799, and a report on commercial relations of the United
States, 34th Congress, first session, will be used by those who
would wish to investigate the subject further. We may
affirm that, upon the export of two hundred millions of
pounds of manufactured and leaf tobacco, which is below the
average exports annually, the foreign governments of the
world collect, at the least, seventy-five to one hundred mil-
lions dollars of revenue.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE.
THE TOBACCO TRADE OF VIRGINIA.
Richmond, October 30, 1861.
The average value per hogshead of the tobacco and stems exported
each year, during the past four •' tobacco years," was as follows :
In 1860-61 S 90 00 I In 185S-50 $128 00
In 1859-60 100 00 | In 1857-58 134 00
The following tables will show, at a glance, the receipts, inspec-
tions, exports, and stocks for five years past :
Stocks. Oct. 1.
The figures showing the exports in 1850-'57 do not include coast-
wise shipments, no available record having been kept for that season.
Foreign — The exports of leaf tobacco from Richmond, direct to
foreign ports, from October 1st to June 1st, (when the blockade pre-
cluded further shipments,) are exhibited in the following table, in
connection with the exports for the full term of the preceding four
" tobacco years: "
To Brit. Am. Prov..
To Porto Rico
THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
The exports to France in 1860-1, were only 1,020 hhds., against
4,012 hhds. in 1859-'00, and 7,577 hhds. in 1858-'9. The exports
to Great Britain and Ireland in 1860-'l were 3,703 hhds., against
6,142 hhds. in 1859-'60, and 7,305 hhds. in 1858-'9. The net
decrease of the shipments to all ports in 1860-'l, as compared with
1849-'00, is 8,216 hhds.
The value of the tobacco and stems exported from Richmond, for
the past four years, is as follows :
Coastwise. — -Export of leaf tobacco to New York, Philadelphia, and
Baltimore, and of stems to Baltimore, for four years past, as follows :
To N. 1
Total. Stems to B.
In the registration of exports, by packets, from the dock, there is
no discrimination between leaf and stems. The combined coastwise
shipments during the past twelve months, were 2,927 hhds., against
4,600 hhds. the previous season, and 2,417 hhds. in 1858-'9. The
shipments of the past season include 150 hhds. sent to City Point, in
July, to be forwarded (as was believed,) to the North Carolina coast
for shipment to Europe.
Deduct stems (estimated)
Exports of leaf by steamers
Total coastwise exports of loaf ,,
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE.
We annex our annual statistics of the business in manufactured
Receipts. — The receipts at Richmond, during the past four sea-
eons, from the factories at Lynchburg, Danville, etc., were as follows :
1857-8 119,290 I 1859-'60 159,035
1858-'9 154,896 | 1860-'61 50,251
Exports. — The exports from Richmond, by steamers, during the
past four seasons, were as follows :
The exports from the dock, for the same four seasons, were as
The business of the year just closed compares with that of the
previous season, as follows:
Total exports from dock, [packages]
Total exports by steamers, "
Products of city factories exported
86 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
RATES OF POSTAGE IN THE CONFEDERATE
STATES OF AMERICA
Rates of Postage between Places within the Con-
federate States of America. — On Letters. — Single let-
ters, not exceeding half an ounce in weight, for any distance
under 500 miles, 5 cents ; for any distance over 500 miles,
10 cents ; an additional single rate for each additional half
ounce or less. Drop letters, 2 cents each. In the fore-
going cases, the postage to be prepaid by stamps or stamped
envelopes. Advertised letters, 2 cents each.
On Packages — Containing other than printed or written
matter — money packages are included in this class — to be
rated by weight, as letters are rated, and to be charged
double the rates of postage on letters, to wit : For any dis-
tance under 500 miles, 10 cents for each half ounce or less ;
for any distance over 500 miles, 20 cents for each half ounce
or less. In all cases to be prepaid by stamps or stamped en-
On Neuspapers sent to regular and hona fide subscribers
from the office of publication, and not exceeding 3 ounces in
Within the State where Published. — Weekly paper, 6&
cents per quarter; semi-weekly paper, 13 cents per quarter;
tri-weekly paper, 19* cents per quarter; daily paper, 39 cents
per quarter. In all cases the postage to be paid quarterly in
advance, at the offices of the subscribers.
Without the State ichere Published. — Weekly paper, 13
cents per quarter; semi-weekly paper, 26 cents per quarter;
tri-weekly paper, 39 cents per quarter ; daily paper, 78 cents
per quarter. In all cases the postage to be paid quarterly in
advance, at the offices of the subscribers.
On Periodicals sent to regular and bona fide subscribers
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 87
from the office of publication, and not exceeding 11 ounce in
Within the State where Published. — Monthly, 3 cents
per quarter, or 1 cent for each number; semi-monthly, 6
cents per quarter, or 1 cent for each number — an additional
cent each number for every additional ounce or less beyond
the first 1} ounce; bi-monthly, or quarterly, 1 cent an
ounce. In all cases, the postage to be paid quarterly in ad-
vance, at the offices of subscribers.
Without the State where Published. — Not exceeding 1}
ounce in weight :
Monthly, 6 cents per quarter, or 2 cents for each number;
semi-monthly, 12 cents per quarter, or 2 cents for each
number — two cents additional for every additional ounce or
less beyond the first 1J ounce; bi-monthly, or quarterly, 2
cents an ounce. In all cases the postage to be paid quar-
terly in advance at the offices of the subscribers.
On Transient Printed Matter. — Every other newspaper,
pamphlet, periodical, and magazine, each circular not sealed,
hand-bill, and engraving, not exceeding three ounces in
weight, 2 cents, for any distance — two cents additional for
each additional ounce or less beyond the first 3 ounces. In
all cases, the postage to be prepaid by stamps or stamped
Franking Privilege. — The following persons only are en-
titled to the franking privilege, and in all cases strictly con-
fined to official business : Postmaster-General, his Chief
Clerk, Auditor of the Treasury for the Postoffice Depart-
ment, and Deputy Postmasters.
88 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
CHRONICLE OP EVENTS AND DIARY OF THE
December 20, 1860 Sudden evacuation of Fort Moul-
trie by Major Anderson, United States army. He spikes the
guns, burns the gun-carriages, and retreats to Fort Sumter,
which he occupies.
December 27 Capture of Fort Moultrie and Castle
Pinckney by the South Carolina troops. Captain Coste sur-
renders the revenue-cutter Aiken.
January 3, 1861 Capture of Fort Pulaski by the Sa-
January 3 The arsenal at Mount Vernon, Ala., with
20,000 stand of arms, seized by the Alabama troops.
January 4 Fort Morgan, in Mobile Bay, taken by the
January 9 The steamship Star of the West fired into
and driven off by the South Carolina batteries on Morris'
Island. Failure of the attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter.
January 10 Forts Jackson, St. Philips and Pike, near
New Orleans, captured by the Louisiana troops.
January 13 Capture of the Pensacola Navy- Yard, and
Forts Barrancas and McRae. Major Chase shortly after-
wards takes command, and the siege of Fort Pickens com-
January 13 Surrender of the Baton Rouge arsenal to
the Louisiana troops.
January 31 The New Orleans Mint and Custom-House
February 2 Seizure of the Little Rock arsenal by the
February 4 Surrender of the revenue-cutter Cass to
the Alabama authorities.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 89
February 16 General Twiggs transfers the public prop-
erty in Texas to the State authorities. Colonel Waite, U S.
A., surrenders San Antonio to Colonel Ben. McCulloch and
his Texas Rangers.
February IS Inauguration of President Davis at Mont-
March 2 The revenue-cutter Dodge seized by the au-
thorities of Texas.
March 5 General Beauregard assumes command of the
troops besieging Fort Sumter.
March 12 Fort Brown, in Texas, surrendered by Cap-
tain Hill to the Texas Commissioners.
April 12-13 Battle of Fort Sumter. Brilliant vic-
tory gained by General Beauregard and the South Carolina
troops. After thirty-four hours' bombardment, the fort sur-
renders to the Confederate States.
April 14 Evacuation of Fort Sumter by Major Ander-
son and his command.
April 14 Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, issues a proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers to
put down the " Southern rebellion."
April 15 Colonel Beeves, U. S. A., surrenders Fort
Bliss, near El Paso, to Colonel J. W MeGriffin, the Texas
April 16 Seizure of the Xorth Carolina forts and the
Fayetteville arsenal by the State troops.
April 17 Capture of the steamship Star of the West
by Colonel Van Dorn, C. S. A.
April 19 The Baltimore massacre. The citizens of
Baltimore attack with missiles the Northern mercenaries pas-
sing through their city en route for the South. The Massa-
chusetts regiment fires on the people, and many are killed.
Two mercenaries are also shot. Great excitement follows,
90 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
and the Maryland people proceed to burn the railroad bridges
and tear up the track.
April 20 Capture of the Federal army at Indianola,
Texas, by Colonel Van Porn, C. S. A. The Federal officers
released on parole.
April 20 Attempted destruction of Norfolk Navy-yard
by the Federal authorities. The works set on fire and several
ships scuttled and sunk. The Federal troops retreat to Fort-
ress Monroe. The Navy-yard subsequently occupied by the
April 20 Harper's Ferry evacuated by the Federal
troops under Lieutenant Jones, who attempts the destruction
of the armory by fire. The place occupied by Virginia troops.
April 28 Fort Smith, Arkansas, captured by the Ar-
kansas troops under Colonel Solon Borland.
May 9 The blockade of Virginia commenced.
MaylO Baltimore occupied by a large body of Federal
troops under General B. F. Butler.
May 10 A body of 5,000 Federal volunteers, under
Captain Lyon, U. S. A., surround the encampment of 800
Missouri State troops, near St. Louis, and oblige them to sur-
May 10 The St. Louis massacre. The German volun-
teers, under Colonel Francis P Blair, Jr., wantonly fire upon
the people in the streets of St. Louis, killing and wounding
a large number.
May 11 The St. Louis massacre: repetition of the ter-
rible scenes of May 10. The defenceless people again shot
down. Thirty-three citizens butchered in cold blood.
May 11 The blockade of Charleston harbor commenced
by the United States steamer Niagara.
May 19, 20, 21 Attack on the Virginia batteries at
Sewell's Point, near Norfolk, by the United States steamer
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 91
31onticello, aided by the steamer Minnesota. The assailants
driven off with loss. No one hurt on the Virginia side.
May 24. '....Alexandria, Virginia, occupied by 5,000 Fed-
eral troops, the Virginians having retreated. Killing of Col-
onel Ellsworth by the heroic Jackson.
May 25 Hampton, Va., near Fortress Monroe, taken
by the Federal troops. Newport News occupied.
May 27 New Orleans and Mobile blockaded.
May 29 President Davis arrives in Richmond.
May 31 Fight at Fairfax Court-House between a com-
pany of United States cavalry and a Virginia company. The
gallant Captain Marr killed; several Federal troops killed,
wounded, and taken prisoners.
June 1, 2. 3 Engagement at Aquia Creek, between
the Virginia batteries and the United States steamers Wa-
bash, Anacosta, and Thomas Freeborn. The enemy with-
drew, greatly damaged.
June 3 Battle of Phillippa, in Western Virginia.
Colonel Kelly, commanding a body of Federal troops and
Virginia tories, attacks an inferior force of Southerners at
Phillippa, under Col. Porterfield, and routes them. Colonel
Kelly severely wounded, and several on both sides reported
June 5 Fight at Pig's Point Battery, between the
Confederate troops and the United States steamer Harriet
Lane, resulting in the discomfiture of the enemy. The
Harriet Lane badly hulled.
June 10 Battle of Great Bethel, near Yorktown, Va.
This splendid victory was gained by eleven hundred North
Carolinians and Virginians, commanded by Colonel J. Bank-
head Magruder, over four thousand five hundred troops, under
Brigadier General Pierce. The Federal troops attacked the
Southern entrenchments, and after a fight of four hours
92 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
were driven back and pursued to Hampton. Southern loss,
one man killed and seven wounded. Federal loss believed
to be several hundred. They confess to thirty Tailed and
one hundred wounded.
June 12 Governor Jackson, of Missouri, issues a pro-
clamation, calling the people of that State to arms. He
commences to concentrate troops at Jefferson City, burning
the bridges on the route to St. Louis and the East.
June 15 Harper's Ferry evacuated by General Joseph
B. Johnston and the Confederate troops.
June 16 Skirmish at Vienna, Va., between Colonel
Gregg's South Carolina regiment and the 5th Ohio regiment.
The enemy routed, with the loss of several killed. General
Robert Schenck, the Federal leader, unfortunately not among
the number. This was represented as a trivial affair, but
was important in the chain of events, and indicative of after
June 17 Gen. Butler demanded 15,000 additional
troops at Fortress Monroe. The Southerners burn seventy
locomotives on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. An order
from Gov. Magoffin that no Tennessee troops shall occupy
any portion of Kentucky. The thermometer at Alexandria
105° in the shade. Wise moving opposite McClellan's ad-
vance. Sawyer's cannon mounted at Rip Raps.
June 18 Scott boasts of the evacuation of Harper's
Ferry as in perfect accordance with his plans, and that no
Southern movements can in the slightest degree affect his
programme. Aquia Creek defenses increased. At St.
Louis, the Federal soldiers fire on the people, killing seven
and wounding a large number. The battle of Boonville,
where Gov. Jackson was compelled to retire before Gen.
June 19 Andy Johnson spoke three hours at Lexing-
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 93
ton, Ky. Frank Pierpont appointed Governor of Western
Virginia. The Virginia ordinance passed 73 to 3, and a
State seal ordered.
June 20 Gen. Lyon occupies Boonville. The Federal
force, 5000, at Vienna. Gen. McClellan and staff leave
Cincinnati for Virginia.
June 21 Southerners erecting masked batteries oppo-
site Rip Raps. Rosseau has authority to raise two Kentucky
regiments, with blank commissions in his hands. Surveyor
Cotton orders that permits shall be obtained for freights over
the Louisville and Nashville railroad. A battle between
McDowell's division and Beauregard, at Vienna, anticipated
— the main blow, with 45,000 men, to be struck from "Wash-
ington, intending to effect a surprise.
June 23 Mississippi Sound blockaded by Federal war-
vessels. Coasting schooners fired on by the fleet : no damage
June 24 Serious Bank riot in Milwaukie, Wis. Mili-
tary ordered out, and fire on the people, killing nearly 100.
June 25 Harper's Ferry evacuated by the Federals.
June 28 Skirmish near Cumberland, Va., in which
the Federals took to inglorious retreat.
June 29 The jury, with regard to the late bloody
tragedy in St. Louis, brought in a verdict that the shooting
of citizens by the Federal troops was done without provoca-
July 1 Mouth of the Mississippi river blockaded by
the Federal fleet. The city authorities of Baltimore arrested
on charge of treason against the Federal Government. Mar-
tial law proclaimed.
July 2 Ship St. Nicholas taken possession of by Com.
Hollins, of Confederate Navy.
July 3 The Lincoln Cabinet decides a grand advance
94 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
of the Federal army towards Richmond, Va. Fremont com-
missioned as Major Greneral in the Federal army.
July 5 Battle of Carthage, Mo., between the State
troops, under command of Gov. Jackson, and the Federals,
under Gen. Siegel. The battle was a bloody one ; Siegel's
forces were nearly surrounded and cut to pieces. The Fed-
eral loss, 700 killed and wounded ; Southern loss, 270 killed
and wounded Federal forces, under Gen. Patterson, take
possession of Martinsburg, Va. Patterson advances and at-
tacks the Confederate forces, under command of Gen. John-
ston. The Federals are defeated, with great slaughter, and
forced back to Martinsburg A heavy skirmish occurred
near Newport News, between a body of Federals and a Lou-
isiana battalion, under command of Lieut. Col. Drew Col.
Drew was killed in leading the attack. The Federals were
forced to retreat, after suffering a loss of 50 killed and
July 8 Gen. Johnston's army near Martinsburg was
reinforced, and he prepares to move his forces to effect a
junction with Gen. Beauregard, near Manassas General
Lyon marching towards Boonville, Mo. ; he compels the peo-
ple to take the oath of allegiance to the Federal Government,
as he advances.
July 10 McClellan marching on Beverly, Va. ; con-
stant skirmishing occurring between the Federals and South-
July 11.... -..Rich Mountain fight, between a regiment of
Virginians, under command of Col. Pegrim, and a large
body of Federals. After a hard-fought battle, Col. Pegrim
was forced to retreat before a greatly superior number. Vir-
ginians lost 142 killed and wounded ; Federal loss, 110 killed
and wounded Laurel Hill evacuated by Gen. Garnett and
the Confederate forces.
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 95
July 12 A peace petition, gotten up by the citizens of
New York City, is seized by the city marshal McClellan
pursues G-en. Garnett, and attacks the rear of his retreating
forces. Gen. Garnett, in covering the rear of his forces, was
killed. The forces under McClellan numbered 20,000 men;
Garnett's force was small. The main body of Garnett's
forces made a safe retreat.
July 17 Battle of Scary Creek, Kanawha Valley, be-
tween a body of Federals, 2800 strong, and a body of Vir-
ginians, (700,) under Gen. Wise. The Virginians achieved
a signal victory over the Federals, and took many prisoners.
Loss not known The Federal Grand Army, under the
command of Gen. McDowell, advances in three divisions to-
July 18 Battle of Bull Run, Va. A great and de-
cisive victory was achieved, by Gen. Beauregard, over the
Federal forces. Federal loss, 450 killed and wounded; Con-
federate loss, 20 killed and 65 wounded. First defeat for
Grand Army Battle of Bull Creek, Va. The Grand
Army makes another advance toward Bull Creek, with a
force of 10,000 men, and attacks the Confederate forces,
(7000,) under Gen. Bonham. After four hours hard fighting,
the Federals were repulsed, with great slaughter. Federal
loss, 245 killed and wounded; Confederate loss, 68 killed
July 20 Provisional Congress (3d session) of the Con-
federate States met in Richmond, Va.
July 21 Battle of Manassas, Va. — the largest and
most severe battle ever fought on the American Continent.
The battle began at 4 o'clock in the morning, and lasted
until nearly 9 o'clock at night. The Federal forces, under
command of Gen. McDowell, numbered 45,000 men. The
Confederate army, under Gen. Beauregard, Gen. Johnston,
96 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
and President Davis, numbered 27,900, but only 20,000 of
the Confederates were actually engaged in the battle. The
Federals suffered a great and signal defeat j their army made
the most disgraceful and cowardly retreat that ever took
place in the annals of war. Federal loss, 3500 killed and
wounded, and 700 taken prisoners ; Confederate loss, 893
killed, and 1300 wounded.
July 22 J W Tompkins was shot dead, while cheering
for Jeff. Davis, by a city officer of Louisville, Ky.
July 24 Battle of Mesilla, Arizonia Territory. The
Confederate forces, under Lieut. Col. Baylor, attacked a large
body of the Federals at Fort Fillmore. After a desperate
fight, the Federals were severely defeated, and compelled to
evacuate the Fort. Federal loss, 32 killed and 500 taken
July 25 Federal army retreats to Alexandria and
Washington City Gen. McClellan takes command of the
remnant of the Grand Army at Washington.
July 30 Gen. Pillow occupies New Madrid, Mo. The
Confederate army concentrating in Southern Missouri.
August 3 Skirmish near Cassville, Mo. A body of 75
Southrons, after a sharp contest, defeated and routed a de-
tachment of 123 Federals The Federal war-steamer,
Dart, made an attempt to bombard the city of Galveston,
Texas. The attack was unsuccessful ; the steamer was com-
pelled to retire The Federal forces, under command of
Major Lynde, desert all the Federal forts in Arizonia, after
destroying property and provisions. The forts taken pos-
session of by Lieut. Col. Baylor, of the Confederate Army.
August 6 Fight at Dug Springs, Mo. An action took
place to-day, between the Southerners, under Gen. McCulloch,
and the Federals, under Gen. Lyon. The fight was brought
on by McCulloch endeavoring to draw out Gen. Lyon in open
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 97
field. The Federals lost 40 killed and wounded ; Confederate
loss, 43 killed and wounded.
August 8 The Southerners erecting batteries on the
Potomac river, at Aquia Creek Fight at Rich Spring,
Western Virginia. Another victory was achieved to-day.
The Southerners, under Gen. Lee, encountered a body of
the enemy, under Gen. Rosencranz, which resulted in the
repulse and defeat of the Federals, who lost 50 killed and
wounded. Confederate loss very light.
August 10 Battle at Oak Hill, near Springfield, Mo.
The Federal forces, under Gens. Lyon and Siegel, attack the
Southerners, under Gen. McCulloch. After a desperate
fight, the Federals were completely routed, and suffered a se-
vere defeat in the death of Gen. Lyon. Federal loss, 2000
killed and wounded ; Confederate loss, 365 killed, and 417
wounded. The Confederate forces amounted to 12,000 men ;
the Federal forces amounted to 10,000. The battle was
fought under great disadvantages to the Southerners, only
one-half of whom were armed Fight at Edina, Mo., be-
tween a body of Southerners and the Home Guards. The
latter were completely routed. Loss, 50 killed and wounded,
on each side The newspaper-office of the Democratic
Standard, at Concord, N. H., demolished by a mob, for re-
flecting on the cowardice of the returning three-months'
August 12 Skirmish at Leesburg, Ya. A large force
of Federals crossed the Potomac on a marauding expedition.
The Southerners attacked the expedition, and compelled the
Federals to make a cowardly retreat.
August 16 The Grand Jury of the Federal District of
New York, presented the following newspapers, for express-
ing sympathy with the Southern cause : Journal of Com-
merce, New York Neios, Bay-Booh, Freeman's Journal, and
98 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
August 17 Lincoln's proclamation forbidding trade and
travel with the seceding States.
August 20 Gen. Jeff. Thompson occupies Commerce,
Missouri, and erects batteries on the river. Steamers City of
Alton and Hannibal City fired on and sunk by the Confede-
rate batteries; 400 Federals taken prisoners. Riot in Phila-
delphia. The newspaper office of the Pennsylvania Sentinel
destroyed by the mob, for advocating a peace policy. Jeffer-
sonian printing-office destroyed by the mob. A. S. Kimbal,
editor of the Essex County Democrat, is tarred and feathered
for opposing the war policy of the North. The Louisville
Courier suppressed by Federal authority for espousing the
cause of the South.
August 21 Fightat Charleston, Missouri; Confederates
defeated with a small loss.
August 25 Commencement of the Reign of Terror
throughout the Northern States. Men and women arrested
and imprisoned for sympathizing with the Southern cause.
Newspapers friendly to the South suppressed by order of the
Federal Government. Citizens compelled to take the oath
of allegiance to the Federal Government.
August 26 Battle of Cross-Lanes, Western Virginia.
The Confederate forces, under General Floyd, attacked and
surrounded a large body of Federals. The Federals were
repulsed and defeated after a severe fight ; losses not known.
August 31 Capture of Fort Hatteras by the Federal
fleet under General Butler ; after a gallant defence, Captain
Barron, who commanded the forts, had to surrender to an
overwhelming force of the enemy. General Butler's force
amounted to eight war frigates and several smaller vessels,
manned by 4,000 men. Captain Barron had only a defen-
sive force of 830 men.
August 31 Gen. Fremont, commander of the Federal
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 99
forces in St. Louis, issues his infamous proclamation, order-
ing all persons found in arms against the Federal Govern-
ment, to be shot, and also declaring the slaves of persons
sympathizing with the Southern cause, to be manumitted.
September 4 Fight at Fort Scott, Mo. The Confed-
erate force, under Gen. Price, and the Federals, under Lane
and Montgomery; a severe battle was fought, which resulted
in a fine victory for the Southerners. Losses not known.
September 5 Gov. 31agofhn proclaims the neutrality
September 6 Battle of Shuter's Hill. The Confede-
rate forces made a successful attack on Shuter's Hill; the
Federal loss was 380 killed and wounded, and 300 taken
prisoners; Confederate loss, 120 killed and wounded.
September 6 Engagement at Hickman, Ky., between
two Federal gun-boats, and one Confederate steamer. After
firing several ineffectual shots, the Federals were forced to
September 7 The seizure and occupation of Paducah,
Ky., by the Federals under Gen. Grant. He fortifies the city.
September S The occupation of Columbus, Kentucky,
by the Confederate forces, under Generals Polk and Pillow.
September 10 The Confederate forces take possession
of Munson s Hill, Ya. Skirmishes constantly occuring in
the neighborhood of Arlington Heights, between Federals
September 10 Fight at Cafnifax Ferry, Western, Ya.
The Federal forces, under Gen. Rosencrans, attacked a detach-
ment of Gen. Floyd's forces. After a severe and brisk
engagement, which lasted for several hours, Gen. Floyd fell
September 12 The Dubuque (Iowa) Herald suppressed
for being friendly to the cause of the South. ■_
100 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
September 18 Battle and siege of Lexington, Mo.
The Confederate forces, under G-en. Price, attacked the city
of Lexington, which was in possession of the Federals, under
Col. Mulligan ; the siege lasted three days, when the Fede-
rals were forced to surrender. Federal loss, 190 killed, 163 '
wounded, and 2,500 taken prisoners. Confederate loss, 145
killed and wounded.
September 21 Fight at Barboursville, Ky., between a
body of 900 Confederates and 1,700 Federals. The Federal
force suffered severely, and were forced to retreat.
September 25 Battle of La Mosa, Arizona Territory.
A splendid victory was gained by the Southerners at La
Mosa. The Federals were driven from the country. Losses
October 2 The Confederate forces, under Gen. Zolli-
coffer, take possession of Manchester, Kentucky.
October 3 Battle of Green-Brier Kiver, Virginia. A
splendid victory was gained by the Confederates. The Fede-
rals, under Gen. Reynolds, attacked the Confederate forces,
under Gen. Jackson. After a close fight, the enemy fell back
repulsed with a heavy loss.
October 4 The Potomac river effectually blockaded by
October 8 Expedition to Chicamahcomico Creek, coast
of North Carolina. Three Confederate steamers, under com-
mand of Commodore Lynch, made a successful attack on the
Federal defences, and captured one Federal steamer, and took
a large quantity of arms and ammunition.
October 8 Fight on Santa Rosa Island, Gulf of
Mexico. A small body of Confederates, under the com-
mand of General Anderson, planned and executed a suc-
cessful attack on a large encampment of Federal "roughs,"
under the notorious " Billy Wilson." The Federals were
completely routed, and cut to pieces.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 101
October 12 Expedition to the mouth of the Mississippi
River. Commodore Hollins, of the Confederate Navy, ac-
complished a splendid victory, by attacking the Federal
blockading fleet, at the head of the Passes, sinking one Fed-
eral steamer, and driving the remainder of the fleet out of
October 16 Fight at Bolivar, near Harper's Ferry.
Colonel Ashby, with a small body of Virginians, succeeded
in repelling an attack of the Federals, in large force.
October 21 Battle at Leesburg, Virginia. The Con-
federate forces, under command of General Lee, attacked the
Federals, under General Baker. The Federals were severely
defeated, with great loss. General Baker was killed, and
immense numbers of the Federals were drowned in retreat-
ing across the Potomac River. Federal loss, 732 killed and
wounded, and 659 taken prisoners; Confederate loss, 147
killed and wounded.
October 22 Fight in Carroll county, Missouri. A
large body of Federals made an attack on a small force of
Confederates. The Federals were severely repulsed.
October 24 Fight at Romney, Western Virginia. The
Federal forces, under General Kelly, made an attack on the
Confederate defences at Romney. The Federals were forced
to retire several times, and finally returned with a superior
force. The Confederate forces, under Colonel McDonald,
were compelled to withdraw from their defences. Losses
October 24 Fight at Rock Castle Ford, Tennessee.
The Confederate forces, under General Zollicoffer, attacked
the Federals, and drove them from their entrenchments.
Federal loss not known; Confederate loss, 30 killed and
October 29 Fight at Fredericktown, Missouri. The
102 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Confederate forces, under General Jeff. Thompson, were at-
tacked by a large force of Federals. The Confederates gal-
lantly defended their positions for several hours, when they
were forced to retire before a superior force.
October 29 The great Federal armada sails for the
0ctober 29 Fight on the Centreville road, near Lees-
burg. A Mississippi regiment, under Colonel Barksdale,
encountered a large body of Federals; after a spirited fight,
the Federals were badly repulsed.
November 2 Skirmish near Springfield, Missouri. A
Federal force of mounted men attacked a body of Confed-
erate cavalry; after a sharp encounter, the Federals were
completely routed, with a severe loss.
November 5 Naval attack on Port Eoyal. Fifteen war
vessels, from the Federal armada, attacked Forts Walker and
Bay Point. The Confederate forces, after gallantly defend
ing the forts, were forced to evacuate their positions before
a greatly overwhelming force.
November? Battle of Belmont, Missouri, one of the
hardest fought battles of the present war. The Federal
forces, under Generals McClernand and Bowlin, attacked the
Confederates, under General Pillow and General Polk.
After a hard fought battle, the Federals were defeated, with
heavy losses. Federal loss, 695 killed and wounded / Con-
federate loss, 465 killed and wounded, and 117 missing.
November 8 Battle of Pike ville, Kentucky. The Fed-
eral forces, under General Nelson, attacked the Confederates,
under Colonel Williams. After a close fight, the Federals
were repulsed, with a heavy loss Mason and Slidell, Con-
federate States Ministers, arrested on the high seas, by
Lieut. Wilkes, of the Federal Navy.
November 10 Fight at Guyandotte, Va. Kesulted in
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 103
a complete victory for the Southerners. The Federal forces
were surrounded and cut to pieces Several skirmishes
occurred at Bristol, Tenn., between the Union men and the
Southerners. The Union men were completely routed, and
great numbers of them captured.
November 13 The Great Northern Expedition ("The
Wildcat Brigade,") to the Cumberland Gap, meets with a
signal failure. The expedition, after accomplishing nearly
one-half of their journey, took fright, when commenced a
retreat which ended in a disgraceful stampede.
November 14 Fight at McCoy's Mill, Western Vir-
ginia, between the Federal forces, under Gen. Benham, and
a detached force of Gen. Floyd's Brigade. The Federals
had every advantage, in numbers, artillery, and position.
The Confederates had no artillery. After a gallant fight,
the Confederates were compelled to fall back. The most se-
rious loss to the Confederates was in the death of Col.
November 18 Skirmish at Fairfax Court House. A
heavy skirmish took place at Fairfax Court House, between
a large force of Yankees and a detachment of Virginians.
The Yankees were driven from the field, after losing 10 men
killed, and 8 wounded Fight at Jacksonboro', Tennessee
Biver. Two Federal gun-boats attacked the Confederate
battery. After a brisk engagement, the boats withdrew;
quite a number of the enemy were killed, and one boat dis-
abled A force of Federals, 8000 strong, invades and
takes possession of Accomac county, Eastern Virginia. The
Confederate forces, being small, and nearly without arms and
ammunition, were compelled to give way to an overwhelming
force Skirmish near Falls Church, Va., between advanced
forces of the Federals and Southerners. A brisk fight took
place, which ended in a total rout of- the Federals.
104 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
November 20 Kentucky prepares to seek admission
into the Confederate States. Provisional Constitution
formed ; G. W Johnson elected Governor.
November 22 Fight at Pensacola, Fla. The Federals in
command at Fort Pickens opened their batteries on two small
Confederate steamers in the bay. Gen. Bragg, of the Con-
federate forces, promptly replied by opening his batteries.
A general engagement commenced between the Federals and
Confederates. Incessant firing was kept up by both parties
for nearly two days, when the Federal batteries suddenly
ceased firing. Little or no damage was sustained by the
Confederate forts or batteries. The Federals must have suf-
fered very seriously, as they have not since been able to renew
their unfinished attack. The Confederate loss was 16 killed
November 26 Missouri admitted into the Confederacy.
November 30 Crisis at hand. Reasons now exist
which go to show that the last remnants of the old Federal
Union are preparing their final and most desperate efforts, to
crush out of existence our young giant Confederacy. The
Federal Grand Army, under Gen. McClellan, is preparing
for its second onward march toward Manassas. The long
talked of expedition down the Mississippi river is nearly
ready to start. Two new naval expeditions are about starting
for the Southern coast. Another attack is looked for at Co-
lumbus, Ky. A heavy force is expected to attack Bowling
Green, Ky. All of the above contemplated raids are the
last death-throes of the expiring enemy of the South.
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 105
THE BATTLE OF MANASSAS.
The Muse of History, as she writes the record of the past
month, will incorporate therein one chapter, devoted to
American Annals, more intensely interesting in its revela-
tions, than any that has ever yet chronicled the changeful
doom of empire. That glowing chapter might be fitly
headed, after the picturesque fashion of olden illuminated
"THE BATTLE OF MANASSAS,"
in letters of crimson and gold, as indicative, at once, of the
gory fate of Northern vandalism, and the brilliant blazonry
of Southern prowess, on the eventful 21st.
As our present recital of facts will quite probably be re-
ferred to by the future historiographer of our noble Confed-
eracy, we must not omit to mention the very important and
successful engagement of Bull Run, on the 18th July, which
was so inspiriting a prelude to the splendid achievement of
Stone Bridge ; and in order that the (perhaps unborn)
explorer among the now formative archives of our separate
Nationality may have accurate data upon which to proceed,
it may not be amiss to specify the distinct localities, which
will, for all time to come, invest Prince William county with
an interest not surpassed, if equaled, by that of any battle-
field of the first American Revolution.
Bull Run constitutes the northern boundary of that county,
which it divides from Fairfax ; and on its now classic banks,
about three miles to the northwest of the junction of the
Manassas Gap with the Orange and Alexandria P^ailroad, was
fought the gallant action of the 18th July; in which the
Confederate troops, under the intrepid Beauregard, in a fierce
contest which lasted several hours, and extended throughout
the length of our line, three times triumphantly repulsed the
enemy, who had advanced in full force from Fairfax Court
House and attempted to cross the stream, but were com-
pelled, at last, to retreat in great confusion.
About four miles from this memorable spot, and, of course,
one mile from the junction of the two railroads above men-
tioned, is Manassas, recently a mere station on the latter
named road, but which, since its occupation by the Confed-
erate troops, has almost grown into the proportions of a village;
while its name has become hallowed in the affections of eight
million Southrons, in whose ears the exultant shouts of an
unparalleled victory yet ring; although it must be confessed,
with strict regard to historic truth, that the event we are
now recording, might be more appropriately termed the
battle of Stone Bridge, where was posted the main body of
the Confederate Army; the line, however, extending between
six and seven miles up and down the Run, and minor engage-
ments occurring at various fords.
General Joseph E. Johnston, Commander of the army of
the Shenandoah, who had been watching, with a lynx's eye,
the movements of the cowardly Patterson, had no sooner
ascertained the night retreat of the latter from the vicinity
of Winchester across the Potomac, with the rightly conjec-
tured design of uniting his forces with those of McDowell,
than he hastened his own march from Winchester, with four
thousand of his division, to Manassas Junction, to reinforce
General Beauregard. Leaving the remainder of his troops,
except a sufficient force to hold the town, to join him on the
following day, he reached the Junction on Friday the 19th,
and immediately assumed chief command, as he was entitled
to do by superior rank ; although, with the amiable modesty
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 107
characteristic of the man. he assured General Beauregard
thai his plans, winch had been admirably devised and well
matured, would, in the main, be followed.
Early in the morning of the ever-memorable 21st, the
advancing column of the '-Grand Army" of the Xorth, com-
prising not only twenty-five thousand volunteers, but also all
the regulars east of the Bocky Mountains, to the number of
ten thousand, collected since February last in the city of
"Washington, from Jefferson Barracks, from .St. Louis, and
from Fortress Monroe, together with a body of marines, was
brought in one precipitate charge upon our left flank, which,
under command of General Johnston in person, was posted
at the Stone Bridge and protected by almost impregnable
works. This distinguished chieftain was not to be deceived
by the numerous active feints against the right wing, but, at
once penetrating the flanking design of the foe, completely
frustrated the movement by a bold march from his stron°-
position at the Bridge directly to the front, where he met, in
open field and fair encounter, the heavy odds of the invading
forces. Against this fearful odds of nearly double his own
numbers, did he make good his determined resistance for
seven well-fought hours, and maintained his advanced posi-
tion, although his loss of men was terrific. Seizing the
colors of a Georgia regiment, the hero of Manassas rallied
them to the charge, throwing himself into the very thickest
of the fight. Opportunely, the centre of the column, under
General Beauregard, who chivalrously led the Hampton
Legion into action - , after the gallant Colonel Hampton had
been severely wounded in, the eye, and Lieut. Col. Johnson
had been killed, advanced to the support of General John-
ston's division. The tide of battle was at length turned in
our favor by the arrival on the ground — as if in Providential
answer to the wishful exclamation of General Johnston to
108 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
General Cocke, at this critical juncture, "0, for four regi-
ments I" — of the four thousand men he" had left in Win-
General Kirby Smith, who was in command of the rein-
forcement, heard the din of battle above the clatter of the
cars on the Manassas Gap railroad, over which he was hur-
rying to the scene of conflict ; and stopping the train,
marched his eager troops at "double-quick" across the
fields, and came into the action at the precise spot where his .
aid was most needed, their arrival at that point of the
field was wholly unexpected, and at first they were supposed
to be a portion of the Northern reserve; but their prompt
alignment with the almost exhausted division of General
Johnston speedily dissipating the error, the now hurried col-
umns of the enemy gave way, and a sudden panic seized
them, which rendered their defeat a perfect rout.
Such a battle has never been waged upon the American
continent ; nor do we think it likely another ever will be, at
least during the present war. Say what they may, in exten-
uation of their disgraceful flight before the magnificent body
of cavalry commanded, in the galling pursuit, by Lieut. Col.
Stuart, and joined by President Davis, who had barely time
to gallop to the field from the train that bore him to its
vicinage, the proverbial phrase, "a Waterloo defeat," but
illy serves to express the total discomfiture of the " Grand
Army" on the really red-letter day, July 21, 1861. To say
It was panic-stricken — routed — demoralized — -but half con-
veys an idea of that long, toilsome, phrensied stampede to-
wards Washington, among the mined walls of whose dese-
crated Capitol, Presidential mansion, and departmental offices,
hundreds of the horrified fugitives sought refuge from the
valorous foe, whose nearing footfall they imagined was heard,
like the clattering tramp of the " Pale Horse and his Rider,"
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 109
close upon their rear ; while the less agile, or the more un-
fortunate wounded, were crushed down among the mass of
train-wagons, gun-carriages, well-munitioned caissons, sump-
tuous ambulances, and spectators' vehicles, all either driven
with loosened reins and cracking whips, by terrified Jehus,
or deserted by their former occupants and teamsters to the
greed of the captors ; the roadways and footpaths — nay, the
trampled plains and wooded hills being strewn for miles with
cast-away arms, cartridge-boxes, canteens, haversacks, caps,
knapsacks, over-coats, blankets, etc.; but the sight most
piteous of all, was the heaps of mangled dead, apparently
straining their glazed eyes to catch the farewell beams of the
setting Sabbath sun ; and the most appalling sounds that
voiced the ruin of that fatal day, were the gurgling prayers
of the dying for a single draught of water.
Is it too much to hazard the belief, that, after such havoo
made in an army numbering over 90,000, of whom 35,000 were
at one time in the engagement, by a force not exceeding
50,000, of whom not more than 15,000 participated in the
brilliant action, another such battle will hardly ever again
lend thrilling interest to the pages of American history?
France, it is true, on the field of Waterloo, lost the day and
the prestige of empire ; but even then her Marshals main-
tained the dignity of their rank, and her veteran soldiery the
honor of their military character; but on the disastrous
Plains of Manassas, officers and privates, regulars and volun-
teers, forgot alike discipline and chivalry, and gave them-
selves over, as with a lust of ignominy, to a demoralization
almost utterly beyond the power of military redemption ; their
vaunted stripes and stars, once the honored flag of the brave,
now trailed in the dust beneath the feet of their victors, or
raised in the blood-tainted breeze only to signal the flight of
110 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
While recording the heroic deeds of other chieftains, we
must not neglect the name of General Jackson, who, with
indomitable courage, for three mortal hours, sustained the
deadly assaults of the enemy, and thus proved one of the
main agents in achieving the triumph of our arms. Although
narrators of the startling events we are recounting studiously
avoid, or carelessly omit, special mention of his invincible
prowess, the late lamented General Bee, who fell at the head
of his column, mortally wounded, just as victory was about
to crown the lofty emprise of the Confederates, cordially ac-
knowledged his gallant bearing, even at the very instant of
the charge which cost him his own valuable life. A moment
before, General Bee had been well-nigh overwhelmed by su-
perior numbers, who kept up a fire that swept everything
in its range ; and when his brigade was reduced to a mere
handful, every field officer being either killed or disabled, he
approached General Jackson with the pathetic exclamation,
" General, they are beating us back ;" to which the latter
promptly replied, " Sir, we'll give them the bayonet." Gen-
eral Bee immediately rallied his overtasked troops to the
charge, with the words, " There is Jackson standing like a
stone wall. Let us determine to die here, and we will con-
quer. Follow me !" Nor was the noble South Carolinian
the only leader on that field of carnage and of fame, who
pointed to the bright example of General Jackson as an in-
centive to further deeds of bravery; and it is but sheer jus-
tice to the patriot and the hero, that his illustrious name
should be registered with the annals of that glorious day.
While we mourn the loss of from three to four hundred
killed, and assiduously apply all our therapeutic resourses for
the relief of the six or seven hundred of our wounded, it was
befitting the occasion — the fearful, but successful, birth-
struggle of our new Nationality — that the Confederate Con-
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. Ill
gress, at the pious suggestion of Secretary Memminger,
should recommend the observance of the succeeding Sab-
bath as a season of thanksgiving and praise to Almighty God,,
for the interposition of His Providence in our behalf. Not
all the wise strategy of our skillful commanders, nor the
daring courage and unflinching fortitude of our patriotic sol-
diery, could have saved us from the ruin of defeat by the
overwhelming array, disciplined troops, formidable batteries,
and well-arranged tactics of the "Grand Army," which left
between seven and eight thousand of its slain upon the field,
and counts among its wounded and missing near ten thousand
more — without the special benison of the Supreme Ruler of
the Universe upon our self-defensive efforts. With His pro-
tection afforded us, not all the satanic sophistry of Seward's
statesmanship — not all the flagrant falsehoods of Lincoln's
lying messages — hot all the studied programmes of Scott's
traitorous experience — not all the batteries and bayonets,
balls and bombs, of regulars or volunteers, marines or militia,
though hurtling never so thick, swift, and near, could scare
or scatter our valiant ranks : nay, nor handcuffs, nor halters —
woe betide the baseness and barbarity that necessitate their
mention in this connection ! — deprive us of liberty or life.
To God, therefore, be all the glory that is written in the
blood of Manassas !
Confederate States Almanac.
ABOLITIONISM FROM 17S7 TO 1861:
A COMPENDIUM OF HISTORICAL FACTS, SHOWING
% \t €mm tjjat \nk to to a liswMton ai i\t Itwra.
THE RIGHT OF SECESSION.
TO WHICH IS ADDED THE FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL INDEPEND-
ENCE OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES.
By A. O. P. NICHOLSON, Esq..
COMPILED AND PUBLISHED BY H. C. CLARKE,
POLITICAL REVIEW OF THE OLD UNION-
The movement that threw off the rule of the mother
country, began in the New England Colonies. These were
settled by those Puritans who effected the Revolution of
1620, and decapitated Charles I. The Southern Colonies
were occupied by a more loyal class. To the noble family of
Baltimore was granted, by Royal Charter, the province of
Maryland. To other staunch adherents of the crown were
accorded grants and privileges in Virginia, North and South
Carolina, and Georgia.
With antecedents so opposite, both North and South joined
heartily in the War of Independence, making equal sacri-
fices and dividing fairly its triumphs. In 1781, the strug-
gling States formed a Confederation, and essayed self-govern-
ment. The written Charter of 1789 followed the form and
usages of the British Constitution. Supreme power was
divided between the executive and legislative branches ; but
all were elective. The executive power was vested in one
person for a term of four years, with special duties assigned.
The Legislature was divided, as in England, into two Houses,
with separate prerogatives. All power not positively dele-
gated to this Federal Government was reserved to the States.
George Washington was the first Federal magistrate, chosen
from a list of twelve candidates.
Up to this period, the politicians of the country had, first,
contended in a body against the supremacy of the mother
116 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
country j and, next, had united their energies in the struc-
ture of a Republican Constitution.
During President Washington's term, they divided into
two hostile parties, each striving for office through the pro-
fession of opposite principles. The New England States, led
by John Adams, advocated the power of the Federal Govern-
ment, even to straining the Constitution. This was the Fed-
eral party. The Southern States, led by Thomas Jefferson,
maintained State rights against Federal encroachment. This
was the Democratic party.
In 1797, John Adams, of Massachusetts, was elected Pres-
ident of the Confederacy. During his term, the Alien* and
Seditionf laws were passed by the Federal Congress. These
enactments were opposed by the statesmen of the South,
since, in their opinion, they invested the Executive with
powers not conferred by the Constitution and inimical to
popular rights. The creation of a National Bank was also a
subject of keen controversy. The public men of the North
sustained it with energy, while those of the South opposed
it as unconstitutional and of doubtful expediency.
In 1801, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, was elected Pres-
ident. During this term, the New England States displayed
a bitter animosity to the South, which arose, chiefly, from the
South having put a limit to the slave-trade, in which these
States were profitably engaged. When, therefore, President
Jefferson proposed the purchase of Louisiana from France,
the Eastern States violently resisted, because it increased the
* By the Alien law, June, 1800, the President might order all such
aliens as he deemed dangerous to quit the country, on pain of three
years' imprisonment and civil disability.
f By the Sedition law, any person who should libel the President,
or either House of Congress, should be fined $2,000, and be impri-
soned for two years.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 117
territory and power of the South. Congress empowered the
purchase, April, 1803.
In 1805, Thomas Jefferson was reelected to the Presi-
dency. His second term was troubled by the war between
England and France. The Berlin and Milan decrees of Napo-
leon, and the Orders in Council of the British Government,
equally assailed American interests. Our vessels, bound either
to English or French ports, incurred capture and confiscation.
This left but one alternative, either to abandon our trade
with Europe, or go to war to protect it. To escape the latter,
President Jefferson recommended an Embargo Act, to put a
temporary stop to all our foreign trade. This was vehemently
opposed by the New England States, because their interests,
being chiefly commercial, were seriously damaged. The
Embargo Act was passed by Congress in December, 1807 ;
whereupon the Eastern States threatened to secede from the
Union and form a Northern Confederacy.
In 1809, James Madison, of Virginia, was elected Presi-
dent. Soon after his accession, March, 1809, the Embargo
Act was repealed, to appease the New England States; and
a less stringent law, the Non-intercourse Act, was passed by
Congress, May, 1809, which prohibited trade with England
and France. New England, however, carried on an indirect
trade with Europe, through Canada. In spite of all these
precautions by the Government, our interests and dignity
were incessantly outraged by England. Finally, the indig-
nation of the country compelled Congress to declare war,
In 1813, James Madison was reelected President. During
the war, the Government was supported by direct taxes and
requisitions upon the States; but the New England States
refused, for the most part, to contribute.* The war closed,
* Niles' Register.
118 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
January, 1815. To resuscitate the Federal treasury, a new
financial policy was inaugurated. A tariff of high duties
was passed by Congress, April, 1816. New England advo-
cated this law, because, during the war, she had transferred
her capital from commerce to manufactures, for which she
desired protection. The South was injured by the tariff, but
she supported it from patriotic motives. John C. Calhoun,
of South Carolina, went so far as to introduce a minimum
rate for ad valorem duties, that is, a rate below which the
duties should not fall. A new National Bank act was also
passed, April, 1816; the old one having expired in 1811.
In 1817, James Monroe, of Virginia, was elected Presi-
dent. During this term, the interests of the country pros-
pered. No struggle occurred between the politicians of New
England and the South, till 1820, when Missouri applied for
admission into the Union as a Slave State. The Eastern
States opposed it violently, on the ground of extending
slavery. The Union was in danger of dissolution, when,
finally, Missouri was admitted by Congress as a Slave State,
on the compromise that thereafter no Slave States should be
created north of 36° 30' parallel of latitude.
In 1821, James Monroe was reelected President. During
this term, a new conflict arose between the politicians of New
England and thof-e of the South, on the subject of the Tariff
policy inaugurated at the peace. New England demanded
more protection for her manufactures. This the South op-
posed, on the ground that her manufactures had protection
enough, and next, because an increase of the Tariff was se-
riously detrimental to the interests of the South.
In 1825, John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, was
elected President.* During this term, a heated contest was
* This election was made by the House of Representatives, as pro-
vided in the Constitution, in default of an election by the people.
AND REPOSITORY CF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 119
carried on between New England and the South, on the
Tariff policy. In 1828, a new act was passed by Congress,
which raised the duties to an almost prohibitory standard.
The average was 40 per cent, on imports. The South de-
signated this act as the " Black Tariff.
In 1829, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, became Presi-
dent. During this term, the extreme Tariff policy of New
England led to violent remonstrance in South Carolina,
whose interests were seriously injured. She alleged that a
policy to enrich one section of the country at the expense of
another was unjust and unconstitutional. She threatened to
resist this policy by force. A compromise was effected,
March, 1833, by which the obnoxious Tariff was modified by
In 1833, Andrew Jackson was reelected President.
During this term, an acrimonious struggle was carried on
between the politicians of the North* and South, on the Na-
tional Bank, created at the peace. The former maintained
it was necessary to their trade and commerce; the latter,
while denying its constitutionality and expediency, also
avowed their fears of its becoming a political machine, that
might, in the hands of unscrupulous politicians, do much
harm. The charter was allowed to expire in 1836. A policy
known under the name of " Internal Improvements," was
also discussed in this term. It had the support of the
North, but the South opposed it, as favoring one section at
the cost of the others.
In 1837, Martin Van Buren, of New York, was elected
President. During this term, great financial disorder pre-
vailed in the country. The Northern politicians proposed,
as a panacea, a new National Bank, a higher Tariff, and a
* The Northern politicians dropped the title of "Federalist" in
1824, and assumed that of "Whig" in 1828.
120 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Bankrupt Law. The South opposed them all, as unnecessary
and sectional in their tendency.
In 1841, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, was elected
President. He died soon after his accession to office. The
Presidency was then administered by the Vice-President,
John Tyler, of Virginia, as provided by the Constitution.
During this term, Northern policy mostly prevailed. The
Tariff was augmented, September, 1841, and August, 1842.
A Bankrupt Law was passed, August, 1841.* A law was
carried through Congress, July, 1841, dividing the public
domain among the respective States, in proportion to their
population. The effect of this was favorable to the manu-
facturing States of New England; for, by cutting off from
the Federal treasury the receipts from the public lands, it
made a higher Tariff imperative, to insure a sufficient reve-
nue. The new bank charter failed. At the end of eighteen
months, the Bankrupt Act was repealed, 1843. A new
Slave State, Texas, was admitted to the Union, March 3,
1845. The act for dividing the public lands was repealed,
January, 1842, as it was found necessary, to retain them as
security for Federal loans.
In 1845, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was inaugurated
President. During his term, the Tariff, which was pressing
heavily on the interests of the South, was modified, July,
1846. The President, in a special message to Congress,
May, 1846, announced that the Government of Mexico had
committed an act of war against the Confederacy. On this
occasion, all sections of the country, North and South and
West, united in declaring war against Mexico. The war
closed, February, 1848. The treaty of Gaudalupe-Hidalgo,
* By this act, private debts to the amount of $440,000,000, (£88,-
000,000) were cancelled.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 121
•which followed, ceded California and New Mexico to the
In 1849, Zachary Taylor, of Mississippi, became Presi-
dent. During this term, the old issues between the politi-
cians of the North and South were abandoned, to wit : the
Tariff policy, a National Bank, a system of Internal Im-
provements, a Division of the Public Lands. The recent
acquisitions of territory, however, afforded the public men
of both sections a fertile field of discussion. The North
contended against admitting slavery into the new territory.
The South declared that its right to. joint occupation was
incontestible, both in law and equity, and proposed that the
compromise of 1820 should be renewed, by extending the
Missouri line of 36° 30' to the Pacific Ocean. This the
politicians of the North refused. The controversy became
so violent, that a separation of the North and South seemed
imminent. A compromise, however, took place in 1850,
which stopped the discussion, but did not settle the main
point in dispute, namely : the right of the South to joint
occupation of all new territory.
In 1853, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, became
President. During this term, the discussion on slavery was
renewed. A portion of western territory, named Nebraska,
was divided into two territories. One of these was called
Kansas, and the other Nebraska. The compromise line of
36° 30' ran to the south of these territories, which would
have given Kansas as well as Nebraska, the largest, to the
North. On the proposition of the Senator from Illinois,
Stephen A. Douglas, the compromise line was repealed by
Congress. Emigrant societies were established in Massachu-
setts and Connecticut, in 1854, to furnish pecuniary aid to
settlers in Kansas. In consequence, a hostile population
from the North poured into Kansas. Bands of armed men
122 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
from the North paraded the territory. The Federal Govern-
ment, whose jurisdiction extended over this distant country,
■was finally forced to interfere. The leaders of the anti-
slavery propaganda, having violated the Federal prerogative
by passing a constitution* and electing a Governor, were in-
dicted for treason, and obliged to take flight.")"
In 1857, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was inaugu-
rated President. The whole of this term was disturbed by
a heated contest between the politicians of the North, on
the subject of slavery in the territories. Towards the close
of this Presidency, the prolonged strife between the politi-
cians, on the topic of slavery, was taken up by the people of
the two sections, in an election for a new President, Novem-
ber, 1860. The Northern States, being in the majority,
pronounced in favor of Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, the
exponent of their sectional views. Under these circum-
stances, the Southern States have dissolved their connection
with the Union. The civil compact they made with the
Northern States, in 1789, guaranteeing equal rights to both,
and equal protection to all, had been violated. Being in a
minority in the Confederacy, they could oppose no legal
barrier to the anti-slavery sentiments of the North, which,
carried into legislation, would confiscate their property, and
even involve their lives.
* Called the Topeka Constitution, after the village where the Con-
-j- The Northern politicians, during this term, dropped the appel-
lation of "Whig," and assumed that of "Republican," better known
as " Black Republican."
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 123
ABOLITIONISM IN THE NORTHERN STATES.
AGGRESSIONS OP THE ABOLITIONISTS AND FANATICS OP THE
NORTH ON THE RIGHTS AND PROPERTY OP THE SOUTH.
Abolitionism, under the guise of philanthropic reform, has
pursued its course with energy, boldness, and unrelenting
bitterness, until it has grown from "a cloud no bigger than
a man's hand " into the dimensions of the tempest which is
to-day lowering over the land, charged with the elements of
destruction. Commencing with a pretended love for the
black race, it has arrived at a stage of restless, uncompro-
mising fanaticism, which will be satisfied with nothing short
of the consummation of its wildest hopes. It has become
the grand question of the day at the North — of politics, of
ethics, of expediency, of justice, of conscience, and of law,
covering the whole field of human society and divine govern-
In this view of the subject, and in view also of the sur-
rounding circumstances of the country, which have their
origin in this agitation, we give below a history of abolition-
ism, from the period it commenced to exist, as an active
element in the affairs of the nation, down to the present
ABOLITIONISTS AND THEIR OBJECTS.
The real ultra abolitionists, who comprise the larger body
of the people of the North — the " reformers," in the Ian-
124 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
guage of Henry Clay, are " resolved to persevere at all
hazards, and without regard to any consequences, however
calamitous they may be. With them, the rights of property
are nothing; the deficiency of the powers of the general
government is nothing ; the acknowledged and incontestable
powers of the States are nothing; civil war, a dissolution of
the Union, and the overthrow of a government, in which are
concentrated the fondest hopes of the civilized world, are
nothing. They are for the immediate abolition of slavery,
the prohibition of the removal of slaves from State to State,
and the refusal to admit any new State comprising within its
limits the institution of domestic slavery — all these being
but so many means conducive to the accomplishment of the
ultimate end at which they avowedly and boldly aim — so
many short stages, as it were, in the long and bloody road to
the distant goal at which they would ultimately arrive.
Their purpose is abolition, ' peaceably if it can, forcibly if it
Utterly destitute of Constitutional, or other rightful power ;
living in totally distinct communities, as alien to the com-
munities in which the subject on which they would operate
resides, as far as concerns political power over that subject,
as if they lived in Asia or Africa, they nevertheless promul-
gate to the world their purpose to immediately convert,
without compensation, four millions of profitable and con-
tented slaves into four millions of burdensome and discon-
This idea, which originated, and still generally prevails, in
New England, is the result of that puritanical frenzy which
has always characterized that section of the country, and
made it the natural breeding-ground of the most absurd
" isms " ever concocted. The Puritans of to-day are not
less fanatical than were the Puritans of two centuries ago.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 125
In fact, they have progressed, rather than retrograded.
Their god then was the angry, wrathful, jealous god of the
Jews — the Supreme Being, now, is the creation of their own
intellects, proportioned in dimensions to the depth and fervor
of their individual understandings. Then, the Old Testa-
ment was their rule of faith. Now, neither old nor new,
except in so far as it accords with their consciences, is worth
the paper upon which it is written. Their creeds are
begotten of themselves, and their high-priests are those who
best represent their peculiar " notions." The same spirit
which, in the days of Robespierre and Marat, abolished the
Lord's day and worshipped Reason, in the person of a harlot,
yet survives to work other horrors. In this age, however,
and in a community like the present, a disguise must be
worn ; but it is the old threadbare advocacy of human rights,
which the enlightenment of the age condemns as impracti-
cable. The decree has gone forth which strikes at God, by
striking at all subordination and law, and under the specious
cry of reform, it is demanded that every pretended evil shall
be corrected, or society become a wreck — that the sun must
be stricken from the heavens if a spot is found upon his disc.
The abolitionist is a practical atheist. In the language of
one of their congregational ministers — Rev. Henry Wright,
of Massachusetts :
"The God of humanity is not the God of slavery. If so, shame
upon such a God. I scorn him. I will never bow to his shrine ; my
head shall go off with my hat when I take it off to such a God as
that. If the Bible sanctions slavery, the Bible is a self-evident
falsehood. And, if God should declare it to be right, I would fasten
the chain upon the heel of such a God, and let the man go free.
Such a God is a phantom."
The religion of the people of New England is a peculiar
morality, around which the minor matters of society arrange
126 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
themselves like ferruginous particles around a loadstone.
All the elements obey this general law. Accustomed to
doing as it pleases, New England " morality " has usually
accomplished what it has undertaken. It has attacked the
Sunday mails, assaulted Free Masonry, triumphed over the
intemperate use of ardent spirits, and finally engaged in an
onslaught upon the slavery of the South. Its channels have
been societies, meetings, papers, lectures, sermons, resolu-
tions, memorials, protests, legislation, private discussion, pub-
lic addresses ; in a word, every conceivable method whereby
appeal may be brought to mind. Its spirit has been agita-
tion ! — and its language, fruits, and measures, have partaken
throughout of a character that is thoroughly warlike.
" In language no element ever flung out more defiance of
authority, contempt of religion, or authority to man. As to
agency, no element on earth has broken up more friendships
and families, societies and parties, churches and denomina-
tions, or ruptured more organizations, political, social, or do-
mestic. And as to measures ! What spirit of man ever
stood upon earth with bolder front and wielded fiercer
weapons ? Stirring harangues ! Stern resolutions ! Fretful
memorials ! Angry protests ! Incendiary pamphlets at the
South ! Hostile legislation at the North ! Underground
railroads at the West ! Resistance to the Constitution !
Division of the Union ! Military contribution ! Sharpe's
rifles ! Higher law ! If this is not belligerence enough,
Mohammed's work and the old Crusades were an appeal to
argument and not to arms."
It is a very common error that the Puritans persecuted
themselves for opinion's sake, sought liberty of conscience in
the wilderness of America, and there erected its altar. To
Sir George Calvert belongs the imperishable glory of first
establishing a government of which universal toleration and
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 127
religious freedom were the chief foundation stones. It is a
remarkable fact that the same spot — the shores of Maryland
— which was thus embalmed in the affections of freemen,
should, after the lapse of a little more than two centuries
and a quarter, be the first territory of the great republic de-
secrated by the foot of the tyrant, and the extinction of
political and civil liberty.
It is true that the Puritans fled from England on account
of violent opposition, amounting to persecution. In thus
expatriating these schismatics, the English of that day, as
subsequent developments have demonstrated, exhibited a
thorough insight into the nature and tendencies of their
principles and character. One of their first acts, after their
colony had assumed some form and substance, was the estab-
lishment of a spiritual despotism and religious intolerance as
cruel and relentless as the Roman Inquisition in Spain.
Professing to be themselves religious refugees, they de-
nounced a dreary banishment against all heretics and non-
conformists. Every student of American history is familiar
with the sad but ever-glorious story of Roger Williams. He
was a fugitive from the persecutions of the old world, but,
unlike his fellow-sufferers, comprehended the nature and
wrong of intolerance, and proposed the true remedy. He
taught that " the civil magistrate should restrain crime, but
never control opinion ; should punish guilt, but never violate
the freedom of the soul." He contended for the abolition
of all laws punishing non-conformists, requiring the perform-
ance of religious duties, enforcing pecuniary contributions to
the support of the church ; and that equal protection should
be extended to every religious belief — the peace of the State,
like the vital fluid we breathe, surrounding and gathering
alike over mosque, synagogue, cathedral, and the humble
"house of God" of the Protestant, securing to their re-
128 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
spective worshippers unmolested sanctity of conscience. For
holding and advocating these just and truly sublime doc-
trines, now fully recognized and enforced by the free Consti-
tution of the Confederate States, this "young minister,
godly and zealous, having precious gifts," and whose opinions
and teachings we have given in almost the identical language
of a Yankee historian, was most cruelly persecuted by the
Puritans, and forced to hide himself in the recesses of the
howling wilderness " in winter snow and inclement weather,
of which he remembered the severity even in his late old
age." " Often," says Bancroft, " in the stormy night he had
neither fire, nor food, nor company • often he wandered with-
out a guide, and had no house but a hollow tree." The
savage of the forest, more tolerant than these narrow bigots,
and who knew not his God at all, kindly rescued him from
the dread doom to which he had been consigned, to find a
new home, and found a new State, by the undisturbed waters
of the Narragansett. Mrs. Hutchinson, a most pure and
excellent woman, for the same crime, suffered the same mis-
erable persecutions. There is no more infallible criterion of
the tone of a people than the position occupied by the weaker
sex. Grallantry was the guiding-star of returning light in the
mediaeval ages. Devotion to women makes gentlemen. And
where gentlemen inhabit, there woman " rules the court, the
camp, the grove;" her refined presence elevates him above
his more grovelling nature ; and in return he is in very
truth her slave, and with life and limb and manly honor de-
voted to her service. The historical fact which we last men-
tioned, therefore, truly illustrates Yankee character. Heavens !
what a spectacle ! A horde of mean-spirited, whining Yan-
kees pelting a shivering, defenceless woman into a rigorous
exile, for entertaining a peculiar opinion, or not conforming
to some rite of public worship. And with what unutterable
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 129
indignation does the Southern blood boil at the hanging of
Mary Dyer, simply because she was a Quaker. This was her
only offence. She died, and died upon the gallows, because
she held a faith different from those people toho had devoted
themselves a sacrifice on the altar of religious liberty. The
ferocious and bloody fanaticism of the witchcraft persecutions
is too revolting for statement. It is enough to recur to it.
"And what man, seeing this,
And having human feelings, does not blush,
And hang his head, to think himself a man !"
Glance for a moment at the Puritans in power in the colony
of Maryland, in the year 1676. We have already alluded
to the fact that the Roman Catholics had there established
perfect freedom of conscience, and opened an asylum for the
persecuted and proscribed of every faith. Availing them-
selves of this liberality of religious jurisprudence, many
Puritans from New England entered the colony, and in the
course of a revolution, in the year we have named, mounted
into political power. The earliest exercise of sovereignty by
this new and godly regime was an edict prohibiting the free-
dom of public worship to all papists and prelatists. Here
we see manifested the same despicable spirit that now ani-
mates the Lincoln government. Indeed, the Yankee is the
same animal in all ages, and in all situations. He is " uni-
The great fathers of the State were convinced that the
heterogeneous peoples, whom they had bound together, would
not long dwell in peace. Washington sincerely desired the
perpetuation of the Union, but he died in the belief that,
in the course of time, his tomb would become the exclusive
property of the South. And John Adams, perhaps the next
man to Alexander Hamilton, among the Northern patriots,
had a clear and unclouded vision of the great rupture,
though he was somewhat deceived as to its proximity to his
own day. The following passage from Mr. Jefferson's diary,
presents the views of Mr. Adams upon this subject, and is
also interesting as another illustration of the supreme mean-
ness of Yankee sentiment, even in its most exalted type.
"December the 30th, 1803. The Rev. Mr. Coffin, of New Eng-
land, who is now here, soliciting donations for a college in Green
county, in Tennessee, tells me that when he first determined to en-
gage in this enterprise, he wrote a paper, recommendatory of the
enterprise, which he meant to get signed by clergymen, and a simi-
lar one for persons in a civil character, at the head of which he
wished Mr. Adams to put his name, he being then President, and the
application going only for his name, and not for a donation. Mr.
Adams, after reading the paper and considering, said ' he saw no
possibility of continuing the union of the States ; that their dissolu-
tion must necessarily take place ; that he, therefore, saw no pro-
priety in recommending to New England men to promote a literary
institution in the South ; that it was, in fact, giving strength to
those who were to be their enemies, and therefore he would have
nothing to do with it.' "
What was philanthropy in our forefathers has become mis-
anthropy in their descendants, and compassion for the slave
has given way to malignity against the master. Conse-
quences are nothing. The one idea preeminent above all
others is abolition !
It is worthy of notice in this connection that most aboli-
tionists know little or nothing of slavery and slaveholders
beyond what they have learned from excited, caressed, and
tempted fugitives, or from a superficial, accidental, or preju-
diced observation. From distorted facts, gross misrepresen-
tations, and frequently malicious caricatures, they have come
to regard Southern slaveholders as the most unprincipled
men in the universe, with no incentive but avarice, no feel-
ing but selfishness, and no sentiment but cruelty.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 131
Their information is acquired from discharged seamen,
runaway slaves, agents, factious politicians, and scurrilous
tourists ; and no matter how exaggerated may be the facts,
they never fail to find willing believers among this class of
In the Church, the missionary spirit with which the men
of other times and nobler hearts intended to embrace all,
both bond and free, has been crushed out. New methods of
Scriptural interpretation have been discovered, under which
the Bible brings to light things of which Jesus Christ and
his disciples had no conception. Assemblings for divine
worship have been converted into occasions for the secret
dissemination of incendiary doctrines, and thus a common
suspicion has been generated of all Northern agency in the
diffusion of religious instruction among the slaves. Of the
five broad, beautiful bands of Christianity thrown around the
North and the South — Presbyterian, old school and new,
Episcopalian, Methodist, and Baptist, to say nothing of the
divisions of Bible, tract, and missionary societies — three are
already ruptured — and whenever an anniversary brings to-
gether the various delegates of these organizations, the sad
spectacle is presented of division, wrangling, vituperation,
and reproach, that gives to religion and its professors any
thing but that meekness of spirit with which it is wont to
Politically, the course of abolition has been one of constant
aggression upon the South.
At the time of the Old Confederation, the amount of ter-
ritory owned by the Southern States was 647,202 square
miles; and the amount owned by the Northern States,
164,081. In 1783, Virginia ceded to the United States, for
the common benefit, all her immense territory northwest of
the river Ohio. In 1787, the Northern States appropriated
182 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
it to their own exclusive use, by passing the celebrated ordi-
nance of that year, whereby Virginia and all her sister States
were excluded from the benefits of the territory. This was
the first in the series of agressions.
Again, in April, 1803, the United States purchased from
France, for fifteen millions of dollars, the territory of Lou-
isiana, comprising an area of 1,189,112 square miles, the
whole of which was slaveholding territory. In 1821, by the
passage of the Missouri Compromise, 964,667 square miles
of this was converted into free territory.
Again, by the treaty with Spain, of February, 1819, the
United States gained the territory from which the present
State of Florida was formed, with an area of 59,268 square
miles, and also the Spanish title of Oregon, from which they
acquired an area of 341,463 square miles. Of this cession,
Florida only has been allowed to the Southern States, while
the balance — nearly six-sevenths of the whole — was appro-
priated by the North.
Again, by the Mexican cession, was acquired 526,078
square miles, which the North attempted to appropriate under
the pretence of the Mexican laws, but which was prevented
by the measures of the Compromise of 1850. Of slave ter-
ritory cut off from Texas, there have been 44,662 square
To sum this up, the total amount of territory acquired
under the Constitution has been, by the
Northwest cession 286,681 square miles.
Louisiana cession 1,189,112 " "
Florida and Oregon cession 400,731 " "
Mexican cession 526,078 " "
Total 2,402,602 "
Of all this territory, the Southern States have been per-
mitted to enjoy only 283,713 square miles, while the Northern
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 133
States have been allowed 2,083,889 square miles, or between
seven and eight times more than has been allowed to the
The following are some of the invasions that have been,
from time to time, proposed upon the Constitution, in the
halls of Congress, bv these asritators :
1. That the clause allowing the representation of three-
fifths of the slaves shall be obliterated from the Constitution ;
or, in other words, that the South, already in a vast and in-
creasing minority, shall be still further reduced in the scale
of insignificance, and thus, on every attempted usurpation of
her rights, be far below the protection of even a Presidential
Next has been demanded the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, in the forts, arsenals, navy yards and
other public establishments of the United States. What ob-
ject have the abolitionists had for raising all this clamor
about a little patch of soil ten miles square, and a few in-
considerable places, thinly scattered over the land — a mere
grain of sand upon the beach — unless it be to establish the
precedent of Congressional interference, which would enable
them to make a wholesale incursion upon the constitutional
rights of the South, and to drain from the vast ocean of al-
leged national guilt its last drop ? Does any one suppose
that a mere microscopic concession like this would alone ap-
pease a conscience wounded and lacerated by the " sin of
Another of these aggressions is that which was proposed
under the pretext of regulating commerce between the
States— namely, that no slave, for any purpose and under any
circumstances whatever, shall be carried by his lawful owner
from one slaveholding State to another ; or, in other words,
that where slavery now is there it shall remain forever, until,
134 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
by its own increase, the slave population shall outnumber the
white race, and thus by a united combination of causes — the
fears of the master, the diminution in value of his property,
and the exhausted condition of the soil — the final purposes
of fanaticism may be accomplished.
Still another in the series of aggressions, was that at-
tempted by the Wilmot Proviso, by which Congress was
palled upon to prohibit every slaveholder from removing with
his slaves into the territory acquired from Mexico — a terri-
tory as large as the old thirteen States originally composing
the Union. It appears to have been forgotten that whether
slavery be admitted upon one foot of territory or not, it can-
not affect the question of its sinfulness in the slightest de-
gree, and that if every nook and corner of the national fabric
were open to the institution, not a single slave would be
added to the present number, or that, if excluded, their
number would not be a single one the less.
We might also refer to the armed and bloody opposition to
the Fugitive Slave Law, to the passage of Personal Liberty
Bills, to political schemes in Congress and out, and to sys-
tematic agitation everywhere, with a view to stay the progress
of the South, contract her political power, and eventually
lead, at her expense, if not of the Union itself, to the utter
expurgation of this "tremendous national sin."
In short, the abolitionists have contributed nothing to the
welfare of the slave or of the South. While over one hun-
dred and fifty millions have been expended by slaveholders
in emancipation, except in those sporadic cases where the
amount was capital invested in self-glorification, the aboli-
tionists have not expended one cent.
More than this : They have defeated the very objects at
which they have aimed. When Virginia, Maryland, Ken-
tucky, or some other border State has come so near to the
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 135
passage of gradual emancipation laws that the hopes of the
real friends of the movement seemed about to be realized,
abolitionism has stepped in, and, with frantic appeals to the
passions of the negroes, through incendiary publications,
dashed them to the ground, and producing a reaction through-
out the entire community that has crushed out every in-
cipient thought of future manumission.
Such have been the obvious fruits of abolition. Church,
State, and society ! — nothing has escaped it. Nowhere pure,
nor peaceable, nor gentle, nor easily entreated, nor full of
mercy and good fruits ; but everywhere forward, scowling,
uncompromising, and fierce, breaking peace, order, and struc-
ture, at every step, crushing with its foot what would not bow
to its will ; defying government, despising the Church, di-
viding the country, and striking Heaven itself, if it dared to
obstruct its progress ; purifying, pacifying, promising nothing,
but marking its entire pathway by disquiet, schism, and ruin.
We come now to the train of historical facts upon which
we rely in proof of the foregoing assertions.
From what I have already stated, it may be seen that
during the colonial existence of this country, African Slavery
had been introduced and overspread its whole surface. The
Southern Colonies had, from the fertility of the soil and
the value of their productions, become the most profitable
mart for Black labor ; but the influx gradually outstripped
their productive powers, and began, as elsewhere, to inspire
the leading men of this section with serious alarm.* They
devised what means they could to check it, but commercial
rapacity eluded or overpowered their remonstrances. While
the Southern Colonies were thus suffering, at this early date,
both inconvenience and detriment from the Blacks who were
* On account of the immense number of Slaves imported by the
136 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
forced upon them, the Northern, or New England Colonies,
were driving a brisk and profitable business upon the solitary
basis of the African Slave Trade. The principal occupa-
tions of these Colonies consisted of Commerce and the Fish-
eries. The New England ships made the voyage to England
with tobacco, rice, and other Southern products, and then
took in British manufactures for the Gold Coast, which ex-
changing for Blacks, they returned with them to the South-
ern Colonies, sold them, and reloaded with tobacco, etc., for
the North and Europe, as before, thus completing the round
voyage. The fisheries employed a considerable number of
persons, and the cured fish found sale chiefly in the Catholic
countries of Europe, mostly in exchange for coin,* which
was always in demand for England. Large quantities of
these fish were sold in the West Indies for sugar and mo-
lasses. The latter was distilled into rum, which, in the
chansrinc: character of the Slave Trade on the Coast under
the British Governors, rapidly became a favorite article of
barter for Blacks, greatly to the dissatisfaction of the English
manufacturers of coast-goods. Lord Sheffield, in his report
to the Parliamentary Committee of 1777, states, that "out
of the Slavers which periodically left Boston, thirteen of
them were loaded with rum only, and that having exchanged
this for 2.888 Negroes with the governors of the Gold Coast,
they carried them thence to the Southern Colonies." The
same report mentions that during the three years ending with
1770, New England had sent 270,147 gallons of rum to the
Gold Coast. Thus, from what I have stated, the startling
fact will be elicited, that the Northern and Southern Colo-
nies, long before the breaking out of the Revolutionary War,
were engaged in a lively controversy on the subject of
* These were almost the only coins that circulated in those Colo-
nies at that time, and consisted of Joes, Half-Joes, Pistoles, etc.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 187
slavery; the South resisting the excessive flow of Blacks
into their section, and New England persisting in the impor-
tation for the profits of the trade. The South was anxious
to stop the Slave Trade and manumit their Blacks, hut New
England, like the mother country, was not disposed to listen
to them, and abandon so lucrative a traffic.
Mr. Jefferson, of Virginia, seems to have been one of the
most earnest advocates of the Southern sentiment. In 1777,
being then a member of the Virginia Legislature, he brought
in a bill which became a law, " to prevent the importation of
slaves/' He also proposed a system of general emancipation,
as a preliminary to which he introduced a bill to authorize
manumission, and this became a law. In these efforts he had
the support and sympathy of the Slaveholding States, who
were overrun with slaves, that returned no adequate remu-
neration. At this period their numbers reached some
600,000, a part of whom were employed in raising tobacco
and rice. The majority of them, however, were occupied in
domestic farm-labor, producing no exportable values. Hence
there was no profit in slavery at the South, while at the North
it was even a greater burden. Massachusetts found it so un-
productive that, in 1780, she abolished it in her own borders,
but she did not cease for that reason to force it, by her im-
portations, on the South.
In the Congress of the Confederation, the views of the
North and South on the subject of slavery, founded on in-
terests so antagonistic, frequently came into collision. It
was at this epoch, too, that Virginia, Georgia, and other
Southern States, ceded to the Federal Government, for the
common benefit of .all the States, their immense Western
Territories. All the States were then Slaveholding, and the
idea that a man could not hold his slaves in any part of the
territory of the United States, had never yet been broached.
138 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
On the contrary, the right to carry them everywhere was un-
doubted. The policy of Virginia, however, was manumis-
sion ; and Mr. Jefferson, in 1784, prepared in the Congress
of the Confederation a clause preventing slaves being carried
into the said territories ceded to the United States, north of
the Ohio River. This was a part of the Southern scheme of
manumission, which was meant as a check to the trading in
Negro slaves, carried on by Massachusetts with unabated ac-
tivity. This clause did not pass at the time, but, in 1787, it
was renewed by Nathan Dane, in the Federal Convention.
The clause enjoining the restitution of fugitive slaves was
then added, and it passed unanimously. By a unanimous vote
it became a vital part of the Federal Constitution, and without
it this compact could never have gone into effect. The Slave
Trade carried on by the North became, also, the theme of
much sharp discussion in the Convention. The North was
not disposed, of course, to give it up, but with the South it
had become an intolerable grievance. They had long and
earnestly protested against it when carried on by the mother
country, but their minds were now made up to break with
the North rather than submit further to this traffic. The
North then demanded compensation for the loss of this very
thriving trade, and the South readily conceded it by granting
them the monopoly of the coasting and carrying trade
against all foreign tonnage. In this way it was settled that
the Slave Trade should be abolished after 1808.* Without
* In corroboration of the above, I append the following extract
from the sermon of Rev. Dr. N. Adams, of the Essex Street Church,
Boston, delivered on Fast Day, January 4, 1861 :
"We at the North are certainly responsible before God for the
existence of slavei'y in our land. The Committee of the Convention
"which framed the Constitution of the United States consisted of
Messrs. Rutledge, of South Carolina, Randolph, of Virginia, and
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE, 139
this important clause, the South would never have consented
to enter into a Confederacy with the North. The Federal
Constitution, with these essential clauses, having passed into
operation, it became, henceforth, a certainty that the Slave
Trade would finally expire in the United States at the close of
1808. This left it still a duration of nineteen years, and the
North seemed determined to reap the utmost possible advantage
from the time remaining. The Duke de Kochefoucault-
Liancourt, in his work on the United States, 1795, states,
that " twenty vessels from the harbors of the North are en-
gaged in the importation of slaves into Georgia; they ship
one Negro for every ton burden." Thus we see, that while
New England was vigorously engaged in buying and selling
Negro slaves, Virginia, on the other hand, was steadfastly
pursuing her theory of manumission.
In 1793, Congress, on the recommendation of President
Washington, passed an act to put in force the clause of the
Constitution enjoining the restoration of fugitive slaves. It
seems evident they were regarded by the Constitution in the
light of property only. It likewise provided for taxing them,
three from Free States, viz. : Messrs. Wilson of Pennsylvania, Gor-
ham, of Massachusetts, and Ellsworth, of Connecticut. They re-
ported as a section for the Constitution, that no tax or other duty
should be laid on the migration or importation of such persons as
the several States should think proper to admit ; not that such mi-
gration or importation should be prohibited. This was referred by
the Convention to a committee, a majority of whom being from the
Slave States, they reported that the Slave Trade be abolished after
1800, and that a tax be levied on imported slaves. But in the Con-
vention, the Free States of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and
Connecticut, voted to extend the trade eight years, and it was accord-
ingly done ; by means of which it is estimated there are now at least
three hundred thousand more slaves in the country than there would
otherwise have been."
140 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
and ordained that three-fifths of their number should be a
basis of representation. This was, certainly, the view taken
by the framers of the Constitution, in their intercourse with
foreign nations. John Adams, afterwards President, and
Doctor Franklin signed, in 1783, the Treaty of Peace with
Great Britain, which contained provision for payment of
" Slaves and other Property" carried away during the War.
These Treaties were examined and approved by the Govern-
ment, composed also of the very men who had taken the
leading part in drafting the Constitution. In the Treaty of
Peace at Ghent, in 1815, the same clause recurred, and the
British Government paid a million and a half of dollars for
Slaves that had been carried off by the enemy. The ac-
counts of Hon. Richard Rush, when Secretary of the Trea-
sury, contain the various sums paid by the United States
Government to the "Owners of Slaves and other Property."
Our Government has also made frequent demands for the
payment of Slave-property since the Peace. Some twenty
years since, the American Minister, Mr. Andrew Stevenson,
conducted a negotiation with England for the payment of
sundry slaves that had been cast ashore from wrecked Amer-
ican vessels, and set free by the authorities of Bermuda.
The demand was finally acknowledged, and the sum of
£23,500 was paid as an indemnity. In a word, the action of
the Federal Government has been uniform and consistent
in asserting and protecting the rights of our Slave-owners
against all Foreign Powers. The right to this property has
been just as positively recognized in our domestic relations.
In all the State Conventions held to discuss the Federal
Constitution prior to adopting it, the right of property in
slaves was never contested. The law at that time for recov-
ering that property was of a summary nature. The owner
might seize his property wherever he found it, and on making
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 141
an affidavit before a Federal Judge, a warrant was issued for
the removal of it. There was no provision for trial by jury,
or for writ of Habeas Corpus, which would be indispensable
if Black Slaves were considered as persons.
In 1797, John Adams, who signed the Treaty of Peace,
and was the leader of the New England, or Federal Party,
succeeded Washington in the Presidential chair. At this
period, the Slavery question was frequently agitated by the
Democratic Party of the South, with a view to its modifica-
tion. In 1800, January 2, Mr. Wain, of Philadelphia, pre-
sented a petition to Congress, from the free Blacks of Phila-
delphia, praying for a revision of the Fugitive Slave Law.
On this occasion, Mr. Harrison Gray Otis, a leader of the
Federal party, thus expressed himself: "Although he pos-
sessed no slaves himself," he said, " yet he saw no reason
why others might not; and that their owners, and not Con-
gress, were the fittest persons to regulate that species of
property." Mr. Brown, of Rhode Island, on the same occa-
sion, declared " that the petition was not from Negroes, but
was the contrivance of a combination of Jacobins, (meaning
the Democratic party), who had troubled Congress for many
years, and he feared would never cease to do so. He there-
fore moved that the petition be taken away by those who had
brought it there." The motion being supported by Messrs.
Gallatin, Dana, and other Northern members, the petition
was withdrawn. In this debate, the Northern members who
represented the Slave-trading interests, naturally adhered to
the Property in Blacks, although the new doctrine of the
British Abolitionists began to make converts in this coun-
try, outside of the body of Quakers, who had always opposed
It may be as well to remark here, that it does not appear
any laws were ever enacted in Great Britain authorizing the
142 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
trading in, or possession of, Black Slaves as property. Nev-
ertheless, that they were so regarded, is evident from the
opinion of the Eleven Crown Judges, given in pursuance of
an Order in Council, and in consequence of wh/ch the Navi-
gation Act was extended to the Slave Trade, to the exclusion
of Aliens. The laws by which England allowed the holding
of slaves, extended, of course, to the Colonies ; and all those
of North America held slaves, without any special enact-
ments for that purpose. The right was inherent, like that
to any property ; and when the separation of the Colonies
from the mother country took place, that legal right, like the
Common Law of England, survived the Kevolution, and re-
mained in force in all parts of the country.
It is claimed by the Anti-slavery party that slavery exists
by local law only, and cannot exist out of the State sanc-
tioning it. Whereas, it is maintained by their opponents
that it originally existed all over the land, whether as Colo-
nies or States, and that it required a special law to exclude
it. This fact is beyond cavil.* It should be also recol-
lected that the Spanish and French Colonies, that after-
wards became a part of the United States, derived the right
to hold slaves from the head of the Church, as well as from
To return to the record of events. During Mr. Jeffer-
son's first term of office, the State of Virginia proposed to
the Federal Government that the proceeds of the public
lands that had been ceded to it should be appropriated to
the manumission and removal of slaves, with the sanction of
the respective States. This movement was not successful.
* Among other authorities on this question of the day, may be
cited that of Chief Justice Parker, of Massachusetts, the leading Abo-
lition State. In 2 Pickering, he says: "We thus, in making the
Constitution, entered into an agreement that slaves should be con-
sidered as property," etc.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 143
It is necessary to notice two very important events that
occurred during the administration of Mr. Jefferson, which
wholly changed the destiny of Black Slavery in the United
States. The first was the invention of the cotton-gin,*
which gave great additional value to this staple, and hence
opened a broader field to the employment of the Blacks.
The next was the purchase of Louisiana, which added new
and valuable territory to the South and its special products.
These two events revolutionized completely the value of
Slave labor at the South, and the Blacks, instead of contin-
uing a burden, as hitherto, became henceforward a source of
On the other hand, the approaching termination of the
Slave Trade, which had profitably employed for so many
years the commercial interests of New England, rendered
that section not only indifferent to the prolongation of
slavery, but even out of chagrin from having been forced by
the opposition of the South to give it up, they began to
nourish a species of spite against it, and which has since
manifested itself with uninterrupted bitterness.
The cessation of the Slave Trade, and the purchase of
Louisiana, both of which were so distasteful to the North,
were followed, as already stated by the Embargo Act, in Mr.
Jefferson's administration ; and all this together, gave nearly
a quietus to the commercial interests of New England. The
exasperation which followed these measures, that seemed to
threaten ruin to this section, led shortly to a desire to break up
the Confederacy. In February, 1809, the Governor-General
of Canada, Craig, deputed his agent, John Henry, to go to
Boston and treat with the leading Federalists there; and by the
* This admirable machine for separating the seed from the cotton,
with extreme celerity, was the invention of Eli Whitney.
144 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
arrangement then made, Massachusetts was to declare itself
independent, and invite a Congress to erect a separate Gov-
ernment. Mr. John Q. Adams, Ex-President, in a letter to
Mr. Otis, 1828, states that the plan had been so far ma-
tured, that proposals had been made to a certain individual
to put himself at the head of the military organization.
These schemes went on until they resulted in the Hartford
Convention, 1814, where the subject of a Northern Confed-
eracy, in all its bearings, underwent discussion. The senti-
ment of the North at that time may be seen in the party cry :
" The Potomac for a boundary — The Negro States to them-
selves." This was the favorite phrase of the day all over
the Eastern States. The peace with Great Britain soon
afterwards occurred, and the stimulus this gave to business of
all kinds, together with the conciliatory conduct, as stated of
Mr. Calhouu, of South Carolina, diverted New England from
her resolute menace to break up the Union.
While this irritation was still lingering in the Northern
mind, a bill was introduced into Congress, 1818, to authorize
the people of Missouri to form a Constitution, preparatory
to admission into the Union. This territory was a portion
of that same Louisiana whose purchase had been so vehe-
mently resisted by New England. During its ownership by
Spain, and afterwards by Prance, slavery had existed in the
whole of this territory, and it remained undisturbed after its
purchase by the United States ; nevertheless its admission
into the Union as a Slave State, was violently opposed by the
Eastern States. An ardent political struggle ensued, that
threatened the safety of the Confederacy, but which was,
finally, allayed by admitting Missouri as a Slave State, but
on the condition that no more Slave States should exist north
of the 36° 30' parallel of latitude. This is the well-known
Missouri Compromise. It was at this time, also, that the
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 145
Slave Trade was declared^ to be Piracy, jind punishable with
Meanwhile, slavery had become so manifestly unprofitable
at the North, that most of these States abolished it. Xew
York did so in 1826, and many other States, even Delaware,
Maryland, and Virginia, were moving in the same direction.
New Jersey, Ohio, and Delaware, passed resolutions desiring
Congress to appropriate the proceeds of the Public Lands to
the manumission of slaves, with the consent of the Slave
States. In 1825, Rufus King, of New York, made the same
proposition in Congress, where it had been originally intro-
duced by Virginia. At this period, in the Southern States
the utmost favor was extended to Emancipation. Societies
for this purpose were formed to cooperate with the Coloniza-
tion Society, then in full vigor, and whose object was to free
Blacks and transport them to Liberia. In March, 1825,
Virginia passed an act to furnish the Colonists in Liberia,
under the direction of the "Richmond and Manchester
(England) Colonization Society," with implements of hus-
bandry, clothing, etc. The emancipation of Blacks to be
sent to Liberia, were frequent all over the Southern States,
and on a liberal scale. Alabama, Louisiana, and Missouri,
passed laws prohibiting slaves to be brought within their
borders for sale, and further enacting that those brought in
by settlers should not be sold under two years.
The sentiment of Emancipation was making steady pro-
gress ; but, at the same time, a decided repugnance to free
Blacks began to manifest itself. Ohio, Illinois, and other
Northwestern States, forbade by law free^. Blacks coming into
the State, under any pretence; and a white person who
brought one in, was required to give bonds in §500. They
were not regarded as citizens of the United States, and from
their idle habits, were considered as a nuisance everywhere.
146 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
The Southern States also enacted that free Blacks arriving
there as seamen, should be under surveillance while in port.
In consequence of this general antipathy to free Blacks, and
in view of the difficulty of deporting them, Mr. Tucker, of
Virginia, proposed in Congress, 1825, to set off the territory
west of the Rocky Mountains as a Colony for free Blacks.
This effort failed ; but all the leading statesmen of the South,
Mr. Mangum, Mr. McDuffie, etc., urged the adoption of some
scheme of emancipation.
About this time, a new movement was initiated in New
England. The doctrine of Abolition was then at the zenith
of its popularity in England, where it was already proposed
to transplant it to our Southern States, which would then be
converted into a great free Black cotton-growing country.
This utterly impracticable idea was seized upon by various
individuals of the New England States, who forthwith began
to sow the seeds of agitation. It is impossible to attribute
to them any very philanthropic motive; for only twenty years
had elapsed since Massachusetts had been forced to give up
her slave-trading, and it is not at all credible that the tastes
thus acquired should, in so short a time, have been sup-
planted by so ardent a love for the Negro of the South as to
desire his manumission at the risk of breaking up the Con-
federacy. No; it really looked more like the renewed ex-
pression of that old grudge which the Eastern States have
for so many years nourished against the South.
In 1828, a Mr. Arthur Tappan subscribed, with the aid of
friends in Boston, sufficient funds to establish a newspaper in
New York, called the "Journal of Commerce," whose object
was to promote the borrowed English theory of Abolition.
Its editor was a certain David Hale, an auctioneer of Boston,
and a teacher in the Presbyterian Sunday-school there. At
the same juncture, the Baltimore "Genius of Emancipation"
fell into the hands of another Abolitionist, named W Lloyd
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 147
Garrison. This individual was the grandson of what was
known as a "Tory" during our Revolutionary War,- and who,
at the Peace, was compelled to fly the country to Nova Scotia,
whence his widowed daughter and her only son returned,
some years after, to Boston, to seek a livelihood. The young
Garrison readily caught up the doctrine of Abolition, as
most congenial to his English antecedents and education, and
set to work with baleful energy to urge its propagation,
fraught with so many dangers to the country of his adoption.
On assuming the editorship of the Baltimore paper, he
instantly assailed both Colonization and Emancipation as
only obstructions to Abolition, and openly avowed that the
Union of the States was equally an obstacle to Abolition.
By some it was supposed that this treasonable denunciation
of the Union was out of deference to the memory of his
Tory grandfather, who had done all he could to prevent it.
It may easily be imagined that the startling proclamation
of such ultra views as these, led rapidly to a complete revo-
lution of feeling at the South. The excitement against
Garrison spread far and wide. The Manumission Society of
North Carolina demanded his imprisonment, and the State
of Georgia set a price upon his head. The emancipation
societies at the South began to suspend their operations and
to break up. The Baltimore journal mentioned, it was
necessary to suppress. The people of the South generally,
becoming more and more alarmed at the aggressive attitude
of the Abolitionists, began to ponder over some means of
In the year 1830, the same Garrison founded a new journal
in Boston, called "The Liberator," whence he propounded his
extreme views in the most extravagant language. In the fol-
lowing year, the "New England Anti-slavery Society" was
formed. This was followed in due course by the "American
Anti-slavery Society," under the leadership of Messrs. Garri-
148 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
son, Tappan, and Birney. The Sunday-schools of the Eastern
States became active coadjutors in the same cause. These
societies adopted precisely .the same tactics as their British
prototypes. They circulated tracts and books, full of inflam-
matory appeals. Highly-colored engravings too, representing
the Black undergoing every kind of torture, were distributed
for those who could not read. These were meant more espe-
cially to excite the Blacks at the South, and were sent
through the mails. These proceedings were considered, at
the time, so dangerous to the peace of the community and to
the integrity of the Union, that popular indignation fre-
quently broke out into riot. In New York, in 1832, the
dwelling of Arthur Tappan and the church of Dr. Cox were
both demolished by a mob. Many influential citizens sanc-
tioned these violent demonstrations of public feeling, and the
well-known Editor of the " Courier and Enquirer," Mr.
James Watson Webb, boasted of his share in this vindication
of Southern rights.*
The Abolitionists of Boston, meanwhile, continued their
operations with all the ardor of their puritanical descent.
Garrison was sent to England, to obtain funds, by the Anti-
slavery Societies ; and in 1834 he returned home with Mr.
George Thompson, a Member of Parliament at that time,
and an Abolition lecturer. This led to so violent an outcry,
that Thompson, alarmed for his safety, went back to Eng-
land. A new mode of excitement was then devised by the
Abolitionists, who got up a clamor against South Carolina
for detaining free Blacks who came into her ports. Massa-
chusetts claimed that free Blacks were her citizens, and that
as such they had a right to go to South Carolina ; but as she
made no complaint against Ohio, Illinois, and other States
who also excluded free Blacks, it was evident that she sought
* This gentleman has since changed his ground, and is now a pro-
minent leader of the Anti-slavery party.
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 149
a quarrel with South Carolina, for the very purpose of
spreading the Abolition infection.
A Mr. Hoar was sent by Massachusetts as an agent to
Charleston to make a formal complaint of her alleged griev-
ance, and, as was anticipated, Mr. Hoar was summarily dis-
missed. Upon this the Abolitionists professed great indig-
nation, and the Legislature was appealed to for a measure of
retaliation, which was soon got up under the title of a "Per-
sonal Liberty Bill," which was designed, under a transparent
plea, to obstruct the restoration of fugitive Blacks.
Up to this time, Abolition had been discussed merely as a
moral question, but the agitation^had gained such strength
among its unsuspecting converts, that it was thought high
time by its designing leaders to carry it into the political
arena, where they anticipated making it a stepping-stone to
power and emolument.
It will be seen in the sequel that these ingenious schemers
were doomed to disappointment, and that the spolia optima
of the agitation they began were destined to be gathered by
the hand of the professional politician, leaving but "a barren
sceptre in their gripe."
In 1838, the Abolition party was too weak and too ignor-
ant of political strategy to dare to take the field in person ;
therefore, they began coquetting with the prominent politi-
cians of the day. Mr. Marcy and Mr. Seward were, at that
time, the candidates of the two rival parties for Governor of
the State of New York, and perhaps the two most influential
men of the North. The occasion was thought opportune by
Messrs. Smith and Jay, the New York sponsors for the un-
toward bantling of Abolition, to put these gentlemen to the
test. It happened that there existed a statute in New York,
called the "Sojournment Law," which allowed a slaveholder
to brine; his Black servants with him, and remain there nine
months, without prejudice to his rights; for it had been de-
150 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
cided in the Federal Courts that a slave taken voluntarily
into a Free State, could not be recovered. When Mr.
Seward was interrogated in relation to this law, he sustained
it as "a becoming act of hospitality to Southern visitors."
Mr. Marcy made no reply. Mr. Seward, however, changed
his views afterwards on this subject, and refused, in 1840,
while Governor, to restore a fugitive slave, on the requisition
The evil results of this sectional issue were foreseen by
many States; and among others Ohio, in 1840, passed reso-
lutions in her Legislsture to the effect that " Slavery was an
institution recognized by the Constitution," and that "the
unlawful, unwise, and unconstitutional interference of the
fanatical Abolitionists of the North with the institutions of
the South, were highly criminal." The violent proceedings
of the Northern Abolitionists did not escape the attention of
the South, where they created not only alarm, but aroused a
deep and natural feeling of indignation. The change of sen-
timent that had occurred may be seen in an act of the State
of Alabama, to the effect that "all free Blacks remaining in
the State after August 1, 1840, should be enslaved."
At the very close of 1839, a handful of Abolitionists met
in Warsaw, N. Y., and decided formally to transform their
doctrine from a moral into a political question ; and they set
to work at once, on a political organization. Determined to
eschew any affiliation with the parties of the day, they
selected one of their own band, Mr. Birney, as a candidate
for the Presidency of the United States. It was now evident
to all dispassionate observers, that the motives of the founders
of Abolition were not so much the emancipation of the Blacks,
as their own elevation to place and power. It is clear enough
the North regarded them with just suspicion at that day,
for in the Federal election of 1840, Birney received but 7000
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 151
The agitation of the Slavery question received a new
stimulus at this period, from the discussions awakened by the
revolt of Texas. This fine country had once formed part of
Louisiana, but was ceded by France to Spain, and then
became a part of Mexico. In 1836, an insurrection, headed
by Americans, broke out, and was soon followed by the inde-
pendence of Texas. Speculations now ran high in the price
of her lands, and the project was broached of reannexing her
to the United States. The celebrated Daniel Webster, among
others, favored this scheme ; but he was afterwards induced
to change his views and- oppose it. Just as in the case of
Louisiana, in 1805, the New England States resisted the
Annexation of Texas, during the Presidency of Mr. Tyler,
on the same pretext of extending slavery, but on the real
ground of jealousy of the South. The leading politicians of
the day were sorely embarrassed whether to support Annexa-
tion or not ; and by opposing it, Mr. Clay lost his election in
1844; and for the same reason, Mr. Van Buren failed
to obtain his renomination by the Democratic party. The
difficulty was terminated by the admission of Texas, March
3, 1845, but on the agreement that four States should be
formed out of the territory, besides the one existing, and
that the States so formed south of the line 36° 30' should be
admitted with or without slavery, as their inhabitants should
decide, but that slavery should not exist north of that line.*
A temporary lull followed ; but the Slavery question was
soon again evoked, to gratify a political grudge. The rejec-
tion-of Mr. Van Buren as the Democratic candidate in 1844,
by Southern influence, in consequence of his opposition to
Texas, led him, from motives of irritation, to raise up a new
* The attempt, in 1846, to foist upon the country, to the injury of
the South, the infamous " Wilmot Proviso" — a Bill to prevent the
right of Southerners to carry their slave property into the Territory
acquired from Mexico. The Bill passed the House, but was defeated
in the Senate.
152 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
party in New York, on the cry of " Free Soil, or no more
Slave States." This act was a violation of the agreement
made with the South on the admission of Texas, and was
frowned upon by the Democratic party ; but the issue started
by Mr. Van Buren was successful enough to divide the party
in the State of New York, and to give the election to the
Northern party. This incensed and alarmed the South, who
were at last pacified by the Compromise measures of 1850,
which, however, were stoutly opposed by Mr. W H. Seward,
who had become already the chosen and wily representative
of the Anti-slavery sentiments of the North.
I may as well observe here, what I have already stated
elsewhere, that the politicians of the North found themselves
in the sad predicament of having no political principles to
advocate. The settlement of the Tariff question in '46, on
the demand of the commercial interests of the North, left
them wholly destitute of any policy by which they might
hope to ride into power. Under these circumstances, it was
natural they should follow with a wistful eye the labors of
the Abolitionists, who had certainly succeeded in working up
the feelings of the North to a lively pitch of excitement on
Southern Slavery. They were not, of course, disposed to
borrow the extreme views of these zealots, which were wholly
incompatible with the existence of the Union ; but they
thought they might venture to utilize to their advantage the
Anti-slavery sentiments that had been so skilfully aroused.
They set about this very adroitly by raising a cry against
extending slave territory, which, it was supposed, would
please the susceptibilities of the North, and not too much
exasperate the South. Thus we find that eminent politician,
Mr. Seward, already at work in 1850, sowing the seeds of
the new Anti-slavery party of the North, by opposing the
healing policy of Mr. Clay, on the ground of its fostering
lavery and increasing its area.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 153
One of the prominent measures of the Compromise of 1850,
was the new Fugitive Slave Law, which Daniel Webster
declared to be far more favorable to the Blacks than that
recommended by Washington, in 1787 Yet it was seized
upon by the cunning of the Anti-slavery politicians to keep
up the subsiding agitation, and several of the Legislatures of
the Northern States were induced to pass " Personal Liberty
Bills," in imitation of the example set by Massachusetts.
I must not omit to remark that the Abolitionists still kept
on the even tenor of their way, and were as active as ever in
promulgating their impracticable theory by secretly circulat-
ing tracts, books and pictures, harping on slavery and all its
fancied horrors. They still kept possession of the political
field, and still hoped to make a ladder of their hobby by
which to ascend to power. In 1852, they dropped Mr.
Birney, and selected for their Presidential candidate Mr.
Hale, of New Hampshire. He received 157,000 votes,
against the 7000 thrown for Birney, in 1840.
Among other ingenious modes of excitement, a discussion
was regularly kept alive at the North as to the citizenship of
free Blacks. Several States bestowed the suffrage upon
them, as a practical proof of their right to rank as citizens.
This controversy was rather inflamed than otherwise, by a
decision of the Federal Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott
case, 1853, which settled that no Blacks are citizens of the
United States. In 1854, the Slavery question reappeared in
Congress and the action of the North on this occasion was
pregnant with serious consequences. Two new territories of
the West were pronounced sufficiently occupied to render
legislation necessary, and a bill to create a territorial govern-
ment in Kansas and Nebraska, was reported by Mr. Douglas,
of Illinois. His bill contained a clause to repeal the famous
Missouri line of 36° 30', running south of the territories in
question. This line was the basis of compromise in 1820,
154 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
and was again a means of adjusting the dispute that arose on
the admission of Texas, in 1845. The constitutionality of
this line was, however, more than doubtful, for the reason
that Congress never had any power conferred on it by the
Constitution to legislate on slavery ; nor was it at all neces-
sary, since individual States could retain or exclude slavery,
according to their pleasure. Besides, the line in question
was really a nullity, because slavery was so unprofitable to
the north of it that it would never be carried there. It was
only to the south of this line that the cotton culture made
slavery a profit and a necessity. Hence the South made no
objection to its repeal, in 1854 ; but it is difficult to perceive
what motive Mr. Douglas could have had in proposing this
repeal, unless it was merely to fan the glowing embers of the
No sooner was this Missouri line revoked, than a prompt
and significant movement was made in the New England
States. Emigrant Aid Societies were formed, as already
mentioned; and settlers for Kansas, one of the territories
just organized, were lustily summoned as recruits in the new
crusade against slavery, and funds in the way of bounty were
liberally distributed. This unusual means to stimulate emi-
gration was designed to secure Kansas as a Free State, by
obtaining a majority for the Northern people. Such an
attempt, made with demonstrations of vehement hostility to
the South, was sure to provoke anger and resistance. This,
of course, was calculated upon by the Anti-slavery propa-
ganda, and they were not disappointed. The Slave State of
Missouri, directly adjoining Kansas, was not disposed to be
forestalled, and, as it were, forced out of their legal share to
territory in such close proximity; so they did their best to
encourage emigration too, but the slaveholders were naturally
chary to carry their Blacks with them, as they were sure to
be tempted away. As a matter of course, it was impossible
AND REPOSITORY CF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 155
for the people of the two opposite sections, in their intem-
perate state of mind, to live long in peace together. Colli-
sions occurred, and occasional loss of life ensued. The Abo-
litionists were eagerly waiting for some such news as this, for
it was rightly anticipated that a conflict, sooner or later, was
When the looked-for intelligence at last arrived, a wild and
furious shriek for "bleeding Kansas" vibrated in a thou-
sand echoes through all the valleys of New England. The
organs of the Abolitionists teemed with the most discordant
appeals to the passions of the people, and nothing but im-
precations of the most startling description were launched
against the " Border Ruflians," as the settlers from Missouri
were forthwith christened. Public meetings were called in
the Eastern States, and the pulpit soon became a rostrum for
clerical agitators. Subscriptions were rapidly set on foot to
buy arms and ammunition for the sacred defenders of anti-
slavery in Kansas, whose brows were encircled with the halo
of martyrdom. Speculators in " Sharpe's rifles " joined iu
the well-sustained chorus of the Abolitionists, and a consid-
erable profit was the result. At a public meeting in New
Haven, a well-known Abolitionist, Rev. H. Ward Beecher,
of Brooklyn, and brother of the authoress of " Uncle Tom's
Cabin," aided by his presence and language to swell the
clamor fast rising in the North. He desired his name to be
subscribed for " twenty-five Sharpe's rifles," and announced
he would collect the money to pay for them, in his church,
the following Sabbath, which was done.
Such ingenious modes as these, and so skilfully handled,
could not fail to excite the sympathies and stir the passions
of any community. Ever since 1828, the Abolition party
had been laboriously engaged in sapping the mind of the
North on the subject of Black Slavery ; nor must it be for-
gotten that they appealed to something more than its philan-
158 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
needed, ami raised the cry of " Freedom to Slaves." To his
astonishment, no doubt, the affrighted blacks ran to their
masters for protection, and some were shot in seeking to es-
cape. This nefarious attempt was quelled by the arrest of
Brown and his confederates, and their subsequent trial and
One thing was proved by the utter failure of this daring
outrage, for it showed that the blacks were contented with
their homes, and desired not the emancipation of the sword.
Another thing, if not quite so clear, at least looked ominous.
This madman, Brown, had been known as an efficient instru-
ment in the hands of the anti-slavery party of New England ;
and it was, therefore, a matter of conjecture at the South
how far he was incited to this fearful attempt against their
very existence. Had they not some reason to think the act
met the approval of the Abolitionists of the North, when
300 bells tolled for the fate of Brown, and when the organs
of the party honored his memory, while affecting to disap-
prove his conduct?
This event sank deep into the mind and heart of the
Southern States. They were led to believe, for the first time,
that the ultra wing of the Republican party contemplated
the confiscation of their property and the destruction of their
Another incident occurred in the summer of 1860, which
deepened their conviction that the Northern States had en-
tered into a dark conspiracy to desolate their land with fire
and sword. It was discovered that a book, called the " Im-
pending Crisis," was being secretly circulated all over the
North as a " campaign document." The purport of this
volume was to show, by assertion, as well as by figures, that
the free labor of the North was more profitable than the
black labor of the South. The tone of the book was violent
in the extreme. We will add a few extracts, which will en-
able the reader to form a correct opinion of the character and
object of the work :
"Slavery is a great moral, social, civil, and political evil, to be
got rid of at the earliest practical period" — (page 168.)
" Three-quarters of a century hence, if the South retains slavery,
which God forbid ! she will be to the North what Poland is to Russia,
Cuba to Spain, and Ireland to England"— (p. 163.)
156 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
thropy, when they raised the cry of "No more Slave Terri-
tory," which simply meant that all that vast extent of country
stretching from the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains,
should be given up to Northern emigration. It was natural,
certainly, that so palatable a doctrine should be acceptable at
the North; but just as natural that it should be unwelcome
at the South, whose equal claims were so unceremoniously
The harvest so industriously tilled by the Abolitionists,
was now ripe ; and the leaders of the old Whig, or Northern
party, experienced, astute, and with an organization extend-
ing over the entire North, stepped forward, and brushing
from their path the noisy fanatics who had sown the seed,
they gathered for their own garners the luxuriant crop of
anti-slavery sentiment now sprouting all over the North.
They met in convention in Philadelphia, June, 1856, and
unfurling the flag of the " Republican Party," made, for the
first time, a sectional issue the basis of party action. They
selected for their Presidential candidate Mr. John C. Fre-
mont, known in the country as an officer of the army, but
without any political antecedents. It was thought judicious
not to nominate a politician too closely identified with the
anti-slavery movement, lest the possible consequences might
alarm the " sober second thought " of the North. Thus ac-
coutred, the Republican party went to the polls, November,
1856, and brought off a vote of 1,334,553. They were de-
feated by the Democratic party, which was now the only link
between North and South ; but the Republican leaders felt
quite sanguine that, with the tactics their experience would
suggest, they would carry off the Presidential prize in 1860.
It was thus that the moral question as to the sin of slavery,
borrowed from England by our Abolitionists, and kept alive
by their address till the North was thoroughly infected by it,
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 157
was, at last, converted into a political question and made a
The Republican politicians felt a dread, lest the Northern
masses, who had conscientiously imbibed the anti-slavery
poison, might force them reluctantly to carry their unconsti-
tutional theories into legislation. It is certain they had their
misgivings, but there was no alternative. Without a princi-
ple or a measure to brandish against their political opponents,
there was nothing but to abandon the hope of office, or to do
battle with the dangerous arm they had taken from the hands
of the Abolitionists. Ambition outweighed patriotism ; and
during the four years just elapsed, the country has been dis-
tracted with the din of the anti-slavery propaganda. Orators,
writers, lecturers, and preachers, have all joined in the melee,
and their united efforts were directed to the apotheosis of the
negro, and the excommunication of the slaveholder. Every
church, public hall, and hustings through the North, has
rung with anathemas against the vilified South ; and it is
not strange, therefore, that people accustomed to this un-
broken strain of vituperation, should begin to believe, at
last, that slavery was quite as hideous as it was painted.
In October, 1859, an event occurred which amazed the
whole country. We allude to the invasion of the State of
Virginia, by John Brown and his retinue of men. This man
Brown had figured in " bleeding Kansas " as a daring ring-
leader of the anti-slavery bands that had contended for the
mastery there. When these bloody contests subsided, he
was reduced to inaction ; and he chafed at the loss of the
stern excitement congenial to his fierce nature. Whether it
was fanaticism or ambition that inspired him, no one can
say ; but he conceived the horrible project of setting on foot
a servile insurrection. Followed by a handful of desperate
men, he suddenly entered the State of Virginia, seized the
arsenal of the Federal Government, to obtain the arms he
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 159
"On our banner is inscribed — No Cooperation with Slaveholders
in Politics ; no Fellowship with them in Religion ; no Affiliation with
them in Society. No Recognition of Pro-slavery men, except as
Ruffians, Outlaws, and Criminals" — (p. 156.)
" We believe it is, as it ought to be, the desire, the determination,
and the destiny of the Republican party to give the death-blow to
slavery."— (p. 234.)
"In any event, come what will, transpire what may, the institu-
tion of slavery must be abolished." — (p. 180.)
"We are determined to abolish slavery at all hazards — -in defiance
of all the opposition, of whatever nature, it is possible for the
Slavocrats to bring against us. Of this they may take due notice,
and govern themselves accordingly." — (p. 149.)
" It is our honest conviction that all the Pro-slavery Slaveholders
deserve to be at once reduced to a parallel with the basest criminals
that lie fettered within the cells of our public prisons." — (p. 158.)
"Shall we pat the bloodhounds of slavery? Shall we fee the
curs of slavery ? Shall we pay the whelps of slavery ? No, never." —
" Our purpose is as firmly fixed as the eternal pillars of heaven ;
we have determined to abolish slavery, and, so help us God ! abolish
it we will."— (p. 187.)
The volume containing the above quotations, not by any
means the most bitter, was endorsed by 68 members of Con-
gress of the Republican party, whose names were given for
publication. The South, under manifestations like these,
felt they had a right to infer that, if a party making such
declarations of hostility were elected to power by the North,
they must either consent to the early abolition of Black
Slavery, or retain it by seceding from the Union.
When the British Government emancipated the Blacks in
her colonies, she acted with the strictest commercial equity;
but the book in question repudiates any compensation to the
"curs and whelps of slavery." One more extract:
"The black god of slavery, which the South has worshipped for
237 years."— (p. 163.)
Now, the writer is ignorant that the South protested for
years, first, against the mother country, and, next, against
New England, importing slaves within her borders. How-
ever, the object of the book was to inflame the mind of the
North against the South, and therefore falsehood was just as
good as truth.
In April, 1860, the delegates of the Democratic party met
160 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
in convention at Charleston, South Carolina, to make their
nomination for the Presidency. The Northern wing of the
party proposed Senator Douglas as the most eligible candi-
date at the North, from his doctrine of " Popular Sov-
ereignty."* The Southern wing objected, as they considered
said doctrine only a concession to the Anti-slavery dogma.
Mr. Douglas did not withdraw his name, and a rupture of
the party ensued. The Northern delegates nominated Mr.
Douglas, in Baltimore, June 18 ; and on the same occasion,
the Southern delegates nominated Vice-President Breck-
This schism doubled the chances of the Republican party,
which met in convention to select their candidate at Chi-
cago, Illinois, May, 1860. It was generally supposed that
Mr. W H. Seward, the acknowledged leader of the Anti-
slavery party at the North, an able and wily statesman, would
be its chosen champion in the electoral lists about to open ;
but, to the surprise of all, an almost unknown politician of
the West, Mr. Abraham Lincoln, was selected as its standard-
On the 6th of November, 1860, the long agitation on the
slavery question, that began in 1803, ended with the elec-
tion to the Presidency of Abraham Lincoln, the representa-
tive of the Republican party, but which contained within
its bowels, like the Trojan horse of old, the armed men of
the Abolition party. Shortly after this event, Gov. Andrew,
of Massachusetts, declared at a public meeting, that " the
election of Mr. Lincoln was only the first step towards
The whole territory of the States, North and South, was
originally slaveholding — English, Spanish, and French. Not
from any local law, but from the laws of the mother
Slaves were regarded only as property in all the thirteen
* Mr. Douglas proposed giving the people of a Territory the right
to retain or exclude slavery, instead of reserving the decision till
the Territory was admitted as a State, the practice hitherto.
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 161
States that formed the Union ; since it would have been a
manifest absurdity for the Slaveholders who made the Decla-
ration of Independence, to declare " all men were born free
and equal," had they not considered their slaves as property.
In forming the Union, the thirteen Slave States conferred
upon the Federal Government the power to tax slave prop-
erty ; to protect it from foreigners, as well on the national
territories as at sea, and also from domestic escape ; and con-
ferred no other power, either to prohibit or to extend it.
The North clung to the profits of the Slave Trade as long
as possible, and attacked the slave system when they were
deprived of those profits.
The territory that was once all slave, has become free ; —
1st, by the Ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slaves north of
the Ohio ; 2d, by eight Northern States abolishing slavery in
their borders; 3d, by the Missouri Compromise of 1820,
prohibiting slaves north of 36° 30' ; 4th, the act admitting
Texas reenacting that line. Thus the North has driven
slaves out of half the Territories of the United States, show-
ing a constant and large aggression upon the South.
The duty of the Government is undoubtedly to protect the
property upon the Territories, until people there settled form
their own laws. /
The agitation of the slave question grew originally out of
the chagrin of New England, at being deprived of the Slave
Trade and its profits. It was prolonged by the mutual irri-
tation that the opposition of Massachusetts to the purchase
of Louisiana occasioned.
Emancipation made steady progress in all the States, until
Abolition forced the Slaveholders upon the defensive.
Abolition made little progress, until unscrupulous partisans
coquetted with it for party issues.
The question of the power of the Government to exclude
slavery from the Territories, has been blended with the moral
question as to the " sin of slavery."
The cry of " Free Soil " was raised in 1848, by Mr. Van
Buren, to avenge his non-nomination by the South, at Balti-
The compromise measures of 1850, were carried by the
influence of Henry Clay.
162 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
Violation of these compromises, by the " Personal Liberty
Bills" of the Northern States, soon followed.
Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in 1854.
Attempt, by the Abolition party, to make Kansas a Free
State by force, which was resisted by the South.
Rise of Republican party, under the lead of Mr. W H.
Seward, and its defeat in 1856.
Violent agitation of the slavery question at the North, fol-
lowed by the invasion of Virginia by John Brown, in 1859,
and the circulation of the Helper Book, in 1860.
The theory of a "Higher Law" at the North, to justify
resistance to the Constitution and laws of Congress, has be-
gotten the Higher Law of Self-preservation at the South, to
justify resistance to a dominant party, which embraces the
"sin of slavery" among its tenets.
The Southern States have been for nearly sixty years the
object of political persecution by the North, which they have
borne with patience and returned with kindness. In 1820,
the North entered into a compromise, which has been broken.
In 1850 they made new agreements, which have since been
violated. In 1860 a legal majority elected a President on the
"Platform" that "Slavery must be restricted to its present
limits." Outraged in our rights, and threatened in our in-
terests, what course is left the South ? To fold their arms
and await more injury and endure more obloquy? Would
this check the aggressions of the North till both North and
South were swallowed up in the vortex of ruin ? It is clear
that the South have no alternative. Far better they should
have abandoned the Confederacy than remain only to engage
in bitter feuds that compromise the dignity of the country,
and sow the seeds of undying hatred.
In 1789, according to our view, the South entered into a
civil compact with the North, on certain conditions and
guarantees. These have been broken, and the South re-
turns, in her opinion, to her original sovereignty.* Even
* This principle of sovereignty was repeatedly asserted by New
England during the last war, and on January 4, 1815, a report of a
committee was made in the Hartford Convention, in favor of imme-
diate secession from the Union, on the plea that the Constitution had
been violated by the Embargo Act, and the ordering of the militia
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 163
were it otherwise — were it true that the South owed alle-
giance to the Federal Government — still, she asserts our own
Declaration of Independence in 1776, and the present prac-
tice of Europe justify all people in repudiating a government
which assails their rights and sacrifices their best interests.
If the Northern States do not acknowledge these truths,
then are they false to their origin, and seek to substitute for
a government of opinion the tyranny of force. The South
will adhere to its right of secession at all hazards, and at
A few general considerations, and we conclude our narra-
tive. After tracing the course of events recorded in the
foregoing pages, the questions naturally arise — What has
been the result ? What have the Abolitionists gained ? The
answers may be briefly summed up as follows :
1. They have put an end to the emancipation which orig-
inated among the real philanthropists of the South In their
wild and fanatical attempts they have counteracted the very
object at which they have aimed. In the language, of an-
other, " The worst foes of the black race are those who have
intermeddled in their behalf. By nature, the most affec-
tionate and loyal of races beneath the sun, they are also the
most helpless ; and no calamity can befal them greater than
the loss of that protection they enjoy under this patriarchal
system. Indeed, the experiment has been tried of precipi-
tating them upon a freedom which they know not how to
enjoy; and the dismal results are before the world in sta-
tistics that may well excite astonishment."*
into the service of the United States. The report defended the right
of secession as follows :
"That Acts of Congress, in violation of the Constitution, are ab-
solutety void, is an undeniable position. . But in cases of
deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution,
affecting the sovereignty of a State and liberties of the people, it is not
only the right, but the duty, of such State to interpose its authority
for their protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end.
When emergencies occur, which are either beyond the reach of the
judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay incident to their
forms, States which have no common umpire, must be their own judges
and execute their own decisions. The States should so use their power
as effectually to protect their own sovereignty and the rights and lib-
erties of their citizens."
* "Compared with European, laborers, the Black lives like a
In striking confirmation of the above, we extract from the
mortuary records of the last year the following cases of
Negro slaves who lived to over a hundred years :
1860 — February 2. Female slave, Virginia 105
I860— " 15. Milly Lamar, Georgia 135
I860— March 25. Sam, Georgia 140
1860— April 17. Glasgow, Kentucky 112
" With the fairest portions of the earth in their possession,
and with the advantage of a long discipline as the cultiva-
tors of the soil, their constitutional indolence has converted
the most beautiful islands of the sea into howling wastes.
It is not too much to say, that if the South should, at this
moment, surrender every slave, the wisdom of the entire
world, united in solemn council, could not solve the question
of their disposal. Freedom would be their doom. Every
Southern master knows this truth and feels its power."
2. Touch the negro, and you touch cotton — the mainspring
that keeps the machinery of the world in motion. In teach-
ing slaves to entertain wild and dangerous notions of liberty,
the Abolitionists have thus jeopardized the commerce of the
country and the manufacturing interests of the civilized
world. They have likewise destroyed confidence. In short,
all the kind relations that have ever existed between the
North and the South have been interrupted, and a barrier
erected, which, socially, commercially, and politically, has
separated the heretofore united interests of the two sections.
3. They have held out a Canadian Utopia, where they
have taught the slaves in their ignorance to believe they
could enjoy a life of ease and luxury, and having cut them
off from a race of kind masters, and separated them from
comfortable homes, left the deluded beings, incapable of self-
support, upon an uncongenial soil, to live in a state of
bestiality and misery, and die cursing the Abolitionists as
the authors of their wretchedness.
prince. He has his cabin generally neat and clean, and always
weather-proof. He has likewise his own garden-patch, over which
he is lord paramount. He is well fed, well lodged, well clothed, and
never overworked. His holidays are numerous, and enjoyed with
infinite gusto. Sleek, happy, and contented, the Black lives to a
great age. The Slaveholder finds it to his interest to treat his Ne-
groes liberally, and takes every means to make them healthy and
AND REPOSITORY OP USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 165
4. They have led a portion of the people of the North, as
well as of the South, to examine the question in all its
aspects, and to plant themselves upon the broad principle
that that form of government which recognizes the institu-
tion of slavery in the United States, is the best, the condi-
tion of the two races, white and black being considered, for
the development, progress, and happiness of each. In other
words, to regard servitude as a blessing to the negro, and,
under proper and philanthropic restrictions, necessary to their
preservation and the prosperity of the country.
5. Step by step they have built up a party upon an issue
which, has led to a dissolution of the Union. They have
scattered the seeds of Abolitionism until a majority of the
voters of the Free States have become animated by a fixed
purpose to prevent the further growth of the slave power.
The power of the North has been consolidated, and, for
the first time in the history of the country, it is wielded as a
sectional weapon against the interests of the South. The
Government is now in the hands of men elected by Northern
votes, who regard slavery as a curse and a crime, and they
will have the means necessary to accomplish their purpose.
The utterances that have heretofore come from the rostrum,
or from irresponsible associations of individuals, now come
from the throne. " Clad with the sanctities of office, with
the anointing oil poured upon the monarch's head, the decree
has gone forth that the institution of Southern slavery shall
be constrained within assigned limits. Though Nature and
Providence should send forth its branches like the banyan
tree, to take root in congenial soil, here is a power superior to
both, that says it shall wither and die within its own charmed
Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, says :
" I believe this Government cannot .endure permanently, half slave
and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved ; I do not
expect the house to fall, but I do expect that it will cease to be di-
vided It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the
opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place
it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the
course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward
until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new,
North as well as South."
" I have always hated slavery as much as any Abolitionist. 1 have
always been an old line Whig. I have always hated it, and I always
believed it in a course of ultimate extinction. If I were in Congress,
and a vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be
prohibited in a new Territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I
would vote that it should."
" Abolitionism and fanaticism is a blood-hound that never
bolts its track when it has once lapped blood. The elevation
of their candidate is far from being the consummation of
their aims. It is only the beginning of that consummation ;
and if all history be not a lie, there will be coercion enough
till the end of the besrinnins; is reached, and the dreadful
banquet of slaughter and ruin shall glut the appetite."
And now the end has come. The divided house, -which
Lincoln boastfully said would not fall, has fallen. The ruins
of the Union are at the feet as well of those who loved and
cherished it as of those who labored for its destruction. The
Constitution is at length a nullity. Fanaticism and Abolition
has its apotheosis in Abe Lincoln.
SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN COMMERCE.
The exports of merchandise from the United States, in
1859, were as follows :
Merchandise of Southern origin $198,389,351
" of Northern origin 78,217,202
Total Merchandise exported $276,606,553
This large amount, nearly $200,000,000, of Southern pro-
duce, may realize abroad, with freights and profits, some
$225,000,000, for which goods are taken in return ; and the
duty of 25 per cent, on these, amounts to $56,000,000,
which may be regarded as a bounty on Northern manufac-
tures as against those of England, where the Southern pro-
ducts are mostly sold.
That such a system should build up an immense manufac-
turing interest at the North, was inevitable. The Federal
census of 1850 gave the value of manufactures annually pro-
duced, as follows :
Capital in Manufactures. Production.
North §438,249,677 $854,526,679
South 94,995,674 164,579,937
Total Manufactures $533,245,351 $1,019,106,616
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 167
The North also imports for the South, and the value of
the whole charged to the South is enhanced in the ratio of
the duty, viz., 25 per oent. The North may be said to take
all the Southern products, and pay in goods, at 25^>er cent,
advance over the English prices.
The influx of emigrants from abroad, with large capital,
aided that development.
The financial operations of the agricultural South, where
$300,000,000 worth of crops are annually moved to market,
necessarily centred in New York, where the goods are mostly
imported, and Eastern manufactures are distributed. New
York has also become the chief point of connection with
Europe, and therefore all Southern travellers come there to
embark. These various causes draw a large Southern ex-
penditure to the North, which is not in any way reciprocated.
All the operations of Finance, Banking, Insurance, Bro-
kerage, Commissions, Profits on Imports, and on Domestic
Manufactures, etc., inure to the North, on the basis of the
agriculture of the South. These items have been estimated
at an aggregate of $231,000,000 per annum, drawn for
Northern account from Southern industry. It is not, there-
fore, a matter of surprise that the North has accumulated
wealth much faster than the South. But it is a matter of
surprise that the North, under these circumstances, should
upbraid the South with her comparative poverty.
The North takes of the South 750,000 bales of cotton,
worth $50,000,000, per annum ; which it works up into
cotton goods, to send back to the South. That quantity of
cotton will make 1,035,000,000 yards of cotton cloth, for
which $100,000,000 is charged; but England will sell the
same quantity for $75,000,000, and if the South makes it
herself, it may be done for $60,000,000. Southern econo-
mists can see that, to make this great saving, nothing else is
necessary than to keep at home the capital that has been
drained off to the North.
The Southern States, including Virginia, Kentucky,
Georgia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and most of South Caro-
lina, are the finest grain-growing countries in the world ; and
were not cotton, tobacco, and rice more profitable, those
States might export corn, wheat, and other cereals, in large
quantities. The slopes of the Alleghanies on both sides are
THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
as fertile, and as well suited for the production of breadstuffs
of all kinds, as any lands in the country. They are covered
with beautiful farms, the soil and the-climate are alike favor-
able, and' it is the height of absurdity to talk of the poverty
of the Southern States. To some extent, at present, they
cultivate other crops, which they exchange for food, because
they can do so with advantage to themselves; but throw them
on their own resources, and cut them off from Northern and
Western supplies, and they can produce not only enough for
themselves, but compete with the North in exportation.
In the interior of the Southern States, almost every de-
scription of food abounds, and is far cheaper than in the
Northern and Eastern States. It is only a strip of the sea-
board that forms the exception to the rule, and there the
production of cotton and rice amply compensates for the de-
ficiency of the cereals. It is only because the conveyance
by sea of food to the Southern ports from the North is
cheaper than the carriage by railroad, from the interior of
the Southern States, that wheat, corn, and other grain, are
shipped to any extent from the North, in exchange for cotton,
tobacco, and rice. But if the policy of non-intercourse
should prevail, the demand at the Southern seaboard would
soon produce the necessary supply from the interior. The
South will wholly withdraw its trade and its exchanges from
the North, and transfer them to England, France, and other
But, after all, it is a very small proportion of the bread-
stuffs and other food, consumed by the Southern seaboard,
that comes from the North. For instance, Mobile derives its
chief supplies from New Orleans — one of the cheapest mar-
kets in the United States. The prices at New Orleans,
Savannah, Charleston, and New York, compare thus :
S6 00 @ 7 50
1 50 ©
$4 85 @
1 10 @
1 50 @
1 37 @
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 169
Here, then, it will be seen that the average cost of these
essential articles of food is less at New Orleans than it is at
New York ; and from New Orleans, which is supplied by the
Mississippi, all parts of the cotton Gulf States are accessible
either by water or by railroad. The Atlantic cotton States
are also connected with the interior Southern States, both
by water and railroad communication.
Then, the South produces food of better quality than the
North. Southern flour, for instance, commands the highest
price in the market of New York. The average daily sales
of Southern flour in this market are from 1200 to 1500 bar-
rels ; and if we take into account the quantity of flour and
other breadstuffs sent here from Virginia, Tennessee, Ken-
tucky, Missouri, North Carolina, and other slave States, per-
haps the balance against the South, on the score of food,
would be exceedingly small.
The South, moreover, excels the North in its water-power,
and teems with coal and other minerals. It has cheaper
labor, and a better climate, and therefore can successfully
compete with the North in manufactures. Owing to the
mildness of the weather in winter, its factories can work all
the year round ; and the South requires less clothing and
less fuel for its popu-lation, (two main items in the expendi-
ture of the Northern mechanic,) and therefore a higher de-
gree of comfort can be obtained for the same labor at the
South than at the North.
The G-ulf of Mexico will become the Mediterranean of
the New World, surrounded by States more wealthy, more
advanced in civilization and in all the arts of government
than were those of Greece or Rome ; and which occupy a
country around its shores more fertile and fruitful than the
land of the laurel and the olive, while a great river more
vast in its outstretched tributaries than the Nile, will cease-
lessly pour its tide of commerce into the city of its delta.
170 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
THE COMMERCIAL AND FINANCIAL INDEPENDENCE
The force of habit has constituted the chief obstacle to our political
independence — the habit of cherishing for the Union a cordial and
immovable attachment, of thinking and speaking of it as a palladium
of our political safety and prosperity, and of discountenancing what-
ever might suggest even a suspicion that it could, in any event, be
abandoned. This habit had acquired all the strength of second
nature, and never could have been changed except after a long train
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the sanie object of
sectional domination, and tending inevitably to absolute' despotism.
Looking to its aggregate results, it is difficult to over-estimate the
value of the Union, but looking to its results, in detail, -it is readily
seen that certain portions of the United States have enjoyed the lion's
share of its benefits. It is worse than that — certain portions have
grown rich and powerful by trading upon the capital produced by
other parties. The whole truth is still worse — certain portions have
for years been little more than colonial dependencies of other portions
— so far, at least, as their commercial and financial interests have
been concerned. In the progress of this communication, each one of
these positions will be fully established.
The growth of the commerce of our country, from 1764, when it
was interrupted by the growing difficulties between the colonies and
the mother country, to the present time, furnishes the strongest pos-
sible view of the prosperity of the Union as a whole. This growth is
exhibited by the following figures :
In 1764 ? 5,502,860 $11,203,800
In 1860 362,166,254 373,189,274
In the fiscal year, ending June 30, 1860, the amount of our surplus
products of all kinds, exported to foreign countries, and exchanged
for their products, was three hundred and seventy-three millions of
dollars. The amount of foreign products so exchanged for was three
hundred and sixty-two millions. As the trade between nations con-
sists of an exchange of simple products, it is apparent that the
amount of our surplus products for export furnishes the best test of
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 171
our national prosperity. But this general exhibit of our -wonderful
prosperity as a nation furnishes but an inadequate view of the real
prosperity of the different portions of the nation. The account must
be stated between the two sections in order to have a correct view of
the subject. The exports of the Northern and Southern States stand
Exports of Northern products $ 97,346,973
" Southern products 218,895,450
" gold and silver coin 26,033,578
. " gold and silver bullion 30,913,173
Total exports for 1860 $373,189,174
Viewing the North and South as two partners embarked in foreign
trade, it appears that whilst the North is twice as numerous as the
South, yet the South furoishes more than twice the capital of the
These exports are carried abroad and exchanged for goods, wares,
and merchandise which constitute our imports. In 1860, they
amounted to $362,166,254. Of this amount the official tables show
that there was imported,
Into Southern ports $ 40,585,368
Into Northern ports 321,580,886
Here is a great fact that ought to arrest Southern attention. Al-
though the South produces for exportation, and actually exports
from her ports largely over two hundred millions fit dollars' worth of
produce, yet of the goods for which they are exchanged abroad less
than one-fifth of the amount comes back through our own ports ; the
residue comes back through Northern ports.
But it must be borne in mind, that whilst the South exports from
her own ports largely over two hundred millions worth of produce,
she does not export this produce in Southern vessels. Six-sevenths of
these exports go abroad in Northern vessels, thus furnishing the
Northern capital, vested in tonnage, the round profit of twenty mil-
lions a year made for freighting Southern produce to foreign markets.
Such has been our dependence on the North for the transportation
of our surplus products to foreign markets.
One hundred and seventy-eight millions of the goods imported in
exchange for Southern products are brought to us through Northern
ports, for the purpose of making it the subject of complaint against
the North. The fact, however, is important, inasmuch as it shows
how dependent we have heretofore been upon the North for most of
the necessaries and luxuries for which our products have been ex-
changed. We have been content to furnish the products, and then
to depend upon Northern capital and enterprise for converting it into
the goods which we require in exchange. We cannot complain if we
have consented to rely on Northern men as our factors and agents,
in carrying on our foreign trade, and in furnishing us with goods.
172 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
They have amassed immense fortunes in thus transacting our busi-
ness, and we have been satisfied with our dependent condition.
If they have made twenty millions annually, in the way of freights,
on our products to Europe, and twenty millions more freights in
bringing back the goods for which they were exchanged, and thirty
millions more as profits on the goods thus brought back and sold to
our retail merchants, we have submitted to it without murmuring;
and do not now bring it up for any other purpose than to show how
quietly and patiently we have acquiesced in the course of trade
which has enabled them to make annually seventy millions, in acting-
as our agents and factors. It is too obvious to require comment,
that if the capital that worked this machinery of trade had been
owned in Baltimore, Charleston, and New Orleans, these immense
profits, instead of building up Boston, New York, and Philadelphia,
would have contributed to building up great Southern cities. It is
equally obvious that if we employ our own men and means hereafter,
in managing our foreign trade, we shall have Southern cities rivalling
those of the North.
It is not to be supposed that all of the surplus products of the
South are exported to foreign countries. Unfortunately for accuracy
of statement, we have not the official data on which to exhibit that
portion of our products which is sent directly to the North for ex-
change for Northern products. We know that about 800,000 bales
of our cotton — worth about forty million dollars — are sent yearly
to New England, and we know of many other articles, worth millions
upon millions of dollars, that are sent and exchanged for Northern
products, but of the aggregate amount we can only form an estimate.
A very able and reliable Northern writer, T. P. Kettell, Esq., after
investigation, has expressed the opinion that the South sends annu-
ally to the North produce to the value of two hundred millions of
dollars. Assuming this sum to be reliable, the account will stand
Goods imported through Northern ports in exchange for Southern
products - $218,895,450
Produce sent directly North 200,000,000
As we buy at least as much from the North as we sell there, the
trade between the two sections is double this, or $837,790,900, an-
nually. If this immense trade was carried on, on terms mutually
beneficial, it would indicate an amazing prosperity, not only in the
nation, as a whole, but in all of its parts.
I have shown some of the advantages enjoyed by the North, grow-
ing out of the peculiar course of trade between the two sections. It
falls in my way now to notice another advantage enjoyed by the
North, and, beyond all comparison, the most important and controll-
ing one. My allusion is to the influence of the tariff-laws on the
trade and commerce of the two sections. I am not now criticising
the policy of protective or prohibitory duties, as recently adopted
AND KEPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 173
by the Congress of the United States, but I am following the lights
furnished by the official report for 1860, when the revenue tariff was
In 1860, the dutiable goods imported amounted to $279,872,327,
and the average tariff was 20 per cent. Of this amount, one hun-
dred and fifteen millions were imported in exchange for Northern
products, and one hundred and sixty-four millions in exchange for
Southern products — the former yielding twenty-three millions of
revenue, and the latter thirty-two millions. It thus appears that the
South contributes three-fifths of the revenue from imports, and yet
it is an undeniable fact that, in the disbursement of the revenues, at
least three-fifths are expended in the North. If such is the unequal
operation of a revenue tariff, it would be difficult to estimate the in-
justice of the protective tariff now in operation in the Northern
But I do not note this inequality in the operation of the tariff
policy in order to complain of it ; the law gave this advantage to
the North, and the South being a law-abiding people, submitted to
the injustice without complaint. The fact, however, is useful in
showing the independence of the South of the North.
There is another feature in the operation of the tariff policy which
deserves special attention. I have shown that the South buys of the
North about two hundred millions of goods annually, in addition to
the amount received from abroad through Northern ports, in ex-
change for Southern products exported to foreign countries. The
operation of the tariff policy on the prices we have to pay for this
additional two hundred millions of Northern goods is exactly the
same as upon the like goods imported from abroad. It increases the
prices to the consumers of the goods at the rate of twenty per cent.,
under the revenue tariff of 1857, and of thirty to forty per cent.,
under the tariff of 1860. Under the revenue tariff, the additional
cost to the Southern consumers would be sixty millions annually, in-
cluding tariff and freights, and with the protective tariff, from eighty
to one hundred millions annually. As onerous and unjust as is this
annual imposition of sixty millions upon Southern consumption, we
cannot complain of it, because it is only the incidental protection
derived by the manufacturers of the North from a revenue tariff,
but when this amount is swelled to eighty or one hundred millions,
under a protective tariff, it becomes a subject for just complaint.
We may now recapitulate the substantial benefits derived by the
North from the course of commercial dealings established between
the two sections. The following figures exhibit the annual profits
made by the North upon Southern products :
For freights to and from Europe $40,000,000
For profits on foreign imported goods sold to Southern merchants.. 30,000,000
For increased tariff prices on Northern manufactures sold to the
Total profits §130,000,000
174 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC,
For opportunity of realizing annually this aggregate profit of one
hundred and thirty millions on Southern products, the North is in-
debted mainly to the Union. These profits result from that peculiar
course of commercial trade, between the North and South, which
has been stimulated and fostered and protected by the legislation of
the Union from the beginning of the Government. As rich as the
North is now, she was once very poor. Before she was blessed by the
Union with the South, her people made a living by sending small
vessels to the West India Islands, laden with fish, beef, butter, pork,
poultry, cider, apples, cabbages, onions, etc. These articles sold for
money, which they carried to England, who bought their goods, re-
turning by the way of the African coast, catching or buying negroes,
and bringing them back for sale to the Southern colonies. They
had little or nothing to export, whilst the Southern colonies had a
large surplus of exports over their imports.
As long as Great Britain exercised dominion over her colonies, the
North could not compete with the mother country for this carrying
trade, but so soon as the Union was formed, the restriction was re-
sumed, and laws were passed giving large encouragement to the col-
onists to embark in that trade. The North was not slow to take ad-
vantage of these laws.
Another field for profitable enterprise was at the same time opened
up, through the operations of the tariff laws, which attracted early
attention. The North saw that if manufactories could be built up
at home, the protection furnished by the tariff law would give them
a virtual monopoly of the domestic trade in manufactures. They
had the vessels to bring the raw material from the South, where it
was produced — -they had the water-power to drive the machinery —
they had accumulated capital in the African slave trade, and now the
tariff laws gave them large advantages in competing with foreign
manufactures. The North eagerly availed herself of every favorable
circumstance, and embarked largely in manufacturing. It was not
difficult to procure such protective legislation as the North claimed
to be necessary, and the Bank of the United States was more than
willing to contribute facilities for raising the capital needed, for en-
abling the North to do the manufacturing for the whole country.
This course of trade became so firmly established before the Bank
was overthrown, and the high protective policy was modified, that
the North has since had but little difficulty in maintaining its ascend-
It is not in the power of figures to convey to the mind a correct
idea of the advantage which the North has enjoyed over the South,
under the influence of the various laws which have stimulated and
controlled the employment of capital. Many Southern men saw and
protested against the unequal and unjust operation of the system of
legislation, which was em-iching one section at the expense of the
other. They struggled to resist the overwhelming power that was
combined against them, but they struggled in vain. All they got
AND REPOSITORY OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 175
for their labors were the bitter denunciations of the North, as being
restless Disunionists. All they could do was to submit to the power
they could not control, and glide into the course of trade which had
been the fixed habit of the country. It is not surprising that, with
such advantages, the North became rich, but it is surprising that the
South was able to endure the heavy exactions without becoming ab-
solutely impoverished. Nothing can show more clearly the real ca-
pacity of the South to become the richest people in the world, than
the facts which we have detailed.
Hitherto the South has done little else than produce capital for
the North to trade upon. We have produced annually over four
hundred millions of raw materials, which have passed immediately
into the hands of Northern capitalists, and constituted the basis of
the wealth which they have extracted from them. It has been
shown how they have made an annual profit of one hundred and
thirty millions in freighting our products, returning them to us in
foreign goods, and in the incidental protection derived from the tariff
law. But this does not embrace the millions made in the way of
brokerage, interest, commission, etc., and in the management of our
produce. Nor does it embrace the millions which we spend yearly in
travel in the North. Mr. Kettell estimates that 50,000 Southerners
go North every year, and spend an average of $1000, making the
total annual expenditure for travel of fifty millions of dollars. Nor
does it embrace the millions that we spend in sending our sons and
daughters North to be educated. Nor does it embrace that incalcu-
lable amount derived by the North from the system of banking, ex-
changes, and credits which has made us as financially dependent on
the North as we have been commercially. It is impossible to esti-
mate with accuracy these amounts, and, therefore, I adopt the re-
sult of Mr. KettelFs investigations. He comes to the conclusion
that the South pays annually to the North, for interest, brokerage,
insurance, travel, etc., about one hundred and fifteen millions. If
this be added to the amount of one hundred and thirty millions, be-
fore estimated as the commercial profits of the North, it yields the
sum of two hundred and forty-five millions, derived annually by the
North from her union with the South. And then, speaking of the
consequences of separation from the South, he says :
"From what has been derailed above, as revealed to us from the
returns of the census, it is quite apparent that the North, as distin-
guished from the South and West, would be alone permanently in-
jured. Its fortune depends upon manufacturing and shipping; but
it neither raises its own food nor its own raw material, nor does it
furnish freights for its own shipping. The South, on the other
hand, raises a supply of food, and supplies the world with raw ma-
terials. Lumber, hides, cotton, wool, indigo — all that the manufac-
turer requires — is within its own circle. The requisite capital to put
them into action is rapidly accumulating, and in the long run it
would lose— after recovering from the first disasters — nothing by
176 THE CONFEDERATE STATES ALMANAC.
Thus wrote a Northern author. He thus forcibly concludes his
"The North has no future material resources ; in minerals, both
the other sections surpass it. In metals, it is comparatively desti-
tute ; of raw materials, it has none. Its ability to feed itself is
questionable. Its commerce is to the whole country what that of
Holland was to the world, viz. : living on the trade of other people.
Its manufactures occupy the same position, awaiting only the time
when the other sections will do their own work. When that moment
arrives, Massachusetts, which now occupies the proudest rank in the
Union, will fall back upon her own resources, and still claim to be an
agricultural State, since her summer crop i* granite, and her winter
crop is ice. This period the North supinely permits a few unscru-
pulous politicians, clerical agitators, and reprobate persons to
hasten, by the most wanton attacks upon institutions of their best
customers. They are forcing the Northern slave States to assume
to the South the same position that New England held to the South
on the formation of the Union. They are holding out to them
the bright prize of becoming the manufacturers, importers and car-
riers for the South, as the North has been. They offer them this
brilliant premium to cut their connection with the North, in order to
enjoy those branches of industry in relation to the South which have
conferred such wealth and prosperity upon New England and the
Middle States. England became rieh by the oolonies — -repelled
them. Her wealth fell on New England ; she has now be-
come rich, and in her turn repels the South in favor of the Northern
slave States. These latter see the prize falling to them, and may be-
come eager to grasp it before the North shall have awakened to its
H. C. CLARKE,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL
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